THE   INTERNATIONAL  JEW

by HENRY FORD Sr.


Part One

Chapter 1

JEWISH HISTORY IN THE UNITED STATES

  The story of the Jews in America begins with Christopher Columbus. On August 2, 1492, more than 300,000 Jews were expelled from Spain and on August 3, the next day, Columbus set sail for the west, taking a group of Jews with him. 

ford1.jpg (14522 bytes)They were not, however, refugees, for the prophetic navigator's plans had aroused the sympathy of influential Jews for a long period previously. Columbus himself tells us that he consorted much with Jews. The first letter he wrote detailing his discoveries was to a Jew. Indeed, the eventful voyage itself which added to men's knowledge and wealth "the other half of the earth" was made possible by Jews. The pleasant story that it was Queen Isabella's jewels which financed the voyage has disappeared under cool research.

  There were three Maranos or "secret Jews" who wielded great influence at the Spanish court: Luis de Santagel, who was an important merchant of Valencia and who was "farmer" of the royal taxes; his relative, Gabriel Sanchez, who was the royal treasurer; and their friend, the royal chamberlain, Juan Cabrero. These worked unceasingly on Queen Isabella's imagination, picturing to her the depletion of the royal treasury and the likelihood of Columbus discovering the fabulous gold of the Indies, until the Queen was ready to offer her jewels in pawn for the funds. But Santagel craved permission to advance the money himself, which he did, 17,000 ducats in all, about 5,000 pounds, perhaps equal to 40,000 pounds today.

  Associated with Columbus in the voyage were at least five Jews: Luis de Torres, interpreter; Marco, the surgeon; Bernal, the physician; Alonzo de la Calle, and Gabriel Sanchez. Luis de Torres was the first man ashore, the first to discover the use of tobacco; he settled in Cuba and may be said to be the father of Jewish control of the tobacco business as it exists today.

  Columbus' old patrons, Luis de Santagel and Gabriel Sanchez, received many privileges for the part they played in the work, but Columbus himself became the victim of a conspiracy fostered by Bernal, the ship's doctor, and suffered injustice and imprisonment as his reward.

  From that beginning, Jews looked more and more to America as a fruitful field, and immigration set in strongly toward South America, principally Brazil. But because of military participation in a disagreement between the Brazilians and the Dutch, the Jews of Brazil found it necessary to emigrate, which they did in the direction of the Dutch colony of what is now New York. Peter Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor, did not entirely approve of their settling among his people and ordered them to leave, but the Jews had evidently taken the precaution to assure their being received if not welcomed, because upon revoking the order of Stuyvesant, the Directors gave as one of the reasons for the Jews being received, "the large amount of capital which they have invested in the shares of the Company."

  Nevertheless they were forbidden to enter public service and to open retail shops, which had the effect of driving them into foreign trade in which they were soon exercising all but a monopoly because of their European connections.

  This is only one of the thousand illustrations which can be given of the resourcefulness of the Jew. Forbid him in one direction he will excel in another. When he was forbidden to deal in new clothes, he sold old clothes-that was the beginning of the organized traffic in secondhand clothing. When he was forbidden to deal in merchandise, he dealt in waste-the Jew is the originator of the waste product business of the world; he was the originator of the salvage system; he found wealth in the debris of civilization. He taught people how to use old rags, how to clean old feathers, how to use gall nuts and rabbit skins. He has always had a taste for the furrier trade, which he now controls, and to him is due the multitude of common skins which now pass under various alluring trade names as furs of high origin.

  Unwittingly, old Peter Stuyvesant compelled the Jews to make New York the principal port of America, and though a majority of New York Jews had fled to Philadelphia at the time of the American Revolution, most of them returned to New York at the earliest opportunity, instinct seeming to make them aware that,in New York was to be their principal paradise of gain. And so it has proved.

  New York is the greatest center of Jewish population in the world. It is the gateway where the bulk of American imports and exports are taxed, and where practical all the business done in America pays tribute to the masters of money. The very land of the city is the holdings of the Jews.

  No wonder that Jewish writers, viewing this unprecedented prosperity, this unchecked growth in wealth and power, exclaim enthusiastically that the United States is the Promised Land foretold by the prophets, and New York the New Jerusalem. Some have gone even further and described the peaks of the Rockies as "the mountains of Zion," and with reason, too, if the mining and coastal wealth of the Jews is considered.

  In the time of George Washington there were about 4,000 Jews in the country, most of them well to do traders. They favored the American side and helped the revolutionary colonies out with loans at critical moments.

  In fifty years the traceable increase in the Jewish population of the United States was more than 3,300,000. What it is today no man can estimate with any hope of accuracy.

  To make a list of the lines of business controlled by the Jews of the United States would be to touch most of the vital industries of the country-those which are really vital, and those which cultivated habit have been made to seem vital. The theatrical business is exclusively Jewish;: play-producing, booking, theater operation are all in the hands of Jews. This accounts for the fact that in almost every production today can be detected propaganda, sometimes glaringly commercial advertisement, sometimes direct political instruction.

  The motion picture industry; the sugar industry; the tobacco industry; fifty per cent or more of the meat packing industry; over sixty per cent of the shoemaking industry; most of the musical purveying done in the country; jewelry; grain; cotton; oil; steel; magazine authorship; T news distribution; the liquor business; the loan business;these, to name only the industries with national and international sweep, are in control of the Jews of the United States, either alone or in association with Jews overseas.

  The American people would be vastly surprised if they could see a line-up of some of the "American business men' who hold up our commercial prestige overseas. They are mostly Jews. This may throw a sidelight on the regard in which "American business methods" are held in Some parts of the world. When many different races of people can carry on business under the name "American," and do it legally, too, it is not surprising that Americans do not recognize some of the descriptions of American methods which appear in the foreign Press. If the reputation of American business has suffered, it is because something ether than American methods have been used under the American name.

  Instances of Jewish prosperity in the United States are commonplace, but prosperity, the just reward of foresight and application, is not to be confounded with control. It would be impossible for any Gentile coalition under similar circumstances to attain the control which the Jews have won, for the reason that there is lacking in the Gentile a certain quality of working-togetherness, a certain conspiracy of objective, and the adhesiveness of intense raciality, which characterizes the Jew. It is nothing to a Gentile that another man is a Gentile; it is next to everything to a Jew that the man at his door is another Jew.

  The International Jewish plan to move their money market to the United States was what the American people did rot want. We have the warning of history as to what this means. It has meant in turn that Spain, Venice, Germany or Great Britain received the blame or suspicion of the world for what the Jewish financiers have done. It is a most important consideration that most of the national animosities that exist today arose out of resentment against what Jewish money power did under the camouflage of national names.

  "The British did this," "The Germans did this," when it was the International Jew who did it, the nations being but the marked spaces on his checker board. Today, around the world the blaming word is heard, "The United States did this. If it were not for the United States the world would be in a better shape. The Americans are a sordid, greedy, cruel people."

  Why? Because the Jewish money power is centered here and is making money out of both our immunity and Europe's distress, playing one against the other; and because so many so-called "American business men" abroad today are not Americans at all-they are Jews.

  Citizens wake up with a start to find that even the white nations are hardly allowed to see each other nowadays except through Jewish eyes. Great Britain and France seldom see a special American spokesman who is not a Jew. That may be the reason why they reciprocate by sending Jews to us, thinking perhaps that we prefer them.


"We will force up wages, wjich however will be of no benefit to workers, for we at the same time will cause a rise in the prices of prime necesseties, pretending that this is due to decline of agriculture and of cattle raising. We will also artfully and deeply undermine the sources of production by instilling in the workmen ideas of anarchy and encourage them in the use of alcohol, at the same time taking measures to drive all the intellectual forces of the Gentiles from the land." —The Sixth Protocol.

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Chapter 2

ANGLES OF JEWISH INFLUENCE

  The Jewish Question exists wherever Jews appear, says Theodor Herzl, because they bring it with them. It is not their numbers that create the Question, for there is in almost every country a larger number of other aliens than of Jews. It is not their much-boasted ability, for it is now coming to be understood that, give the Jew an equal start and hold him to the rules of the game, and he is not smarter than anyone else; indeed, in one great class of Jews the zeal is quenched when opportunity for intrigue is removed.

  The Jewish Question is not the number of Jews who reside here, not in the American's jealousy of the Jew's success, certainly not in any objection to the Jew's Mosaic religion it is in something else, and that something else is the fact of Jewish influence on the life of the country where Jews dwell; in the United States it is the Jewish influence on American life.

  That the Jews exert an influence, they themselves loudly proclaim. The Jews claim, indeed, that the fundamentals of the United States are Jewish and not Christian, and that the entire history of this country should be re-written to make proper acknowledgement of the prior glory due to Judah. If the question of influence rested entirely on the Jewish claim, there would be no occasion for doubt; they claim it alp But it is kindness to hold them to the facts; it is also more clearly explanatory of the conditions in our country.

  If they insist that they "gave us our Bible" and "gave us our God" and "gave us our religion," as they do over and over again with nauseating superciliousness throughout all their polemic publications-not a angle one of these claims being true-they must not grow impatient and profane while we complete the list of the real influences they have set at work in American life.

  It is not the Jewish people but the Jewish idea, and the people only as vehicles of the idea, that is the point at issue. In this investigation of the Jewish Question, it is Jewish influence and the Jewish Idea that are being discovered and defined.

  The Jews are propagandists. This was originally their mission. But they were to propagate the central tenet of their religion. This they failed to do. By failing in this they, according to their own Scriptures, failed everywhere They are now without a mission of blessing. Few of their leaders even claim a spiritual mission. But the mission idea is still with them in a degenerate form; it represents the grossest materialism of the day; it has become a means of sordid acquisition instead of a channel of service.


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LABOR AND JEWRY

  The essence of the Jewish Idea to its influence on the labor world is the same as in all other departments-the destruction of real values in favor of fictitious values. The Jewish philosophy of money is not to "make money," but to "get money." The distinction between these two is fundamental. That explains Jews being "financiers" instead of "captains of industry." It is the difference between "getting" and "making."

  The creative, constructive type of mind has an affection for the thing it is doing. The non-Jewish worker formerly chose the work he liked best. He did not change employment easily, because there was a bond between him and the kind of work he had chosen. Nothing else was so attractive to him. He would rather draw a little less money and do what he liked to do, than a little more and do what irked him. The "maker" is always thus influenced by his liking.

  Not so the "getter." It doesn't matter what he does, so long as the income is satisfactory. He has no illusions, sentiments or affections on the side of work. It is the "geld" that counts. He has no attachment for the things he makes, for he doesn't make any; he deals in the things which other men make and regards them solely on the side of their money-making value. "The joy of creative labor" is nothing to him, not even an intelligible saying.

  Now, previous to the advent of Jewish socialistic and subversive ideas, the predominant thought in the labor world was to "make" things and thus "make" money. There was a pride among mechanics. Men who made things were a sturdy, honest race because they dealt with ideas of skill and quality, and their very characters were formed by the satisfaction of having performed useful functions in society. They were the Makers. And society was solid so long as they were solid. Men made shoes as exhibitions of their skill. Farmers raised crops for the inherent love of crops, not with reference to far-off money-markets. Everywhere THE JOB was the main thing and the rest was incidental.

  The only way to break down this strong safeguard of society-a creative laboring class of sturdy character- was to sow other ideas among it; and the most dangerous of all the ideas sown was that which substituted "get" for "make."

  With the required manipulation of the money and food markets, enough pressure could be brought to bear on the ultimate consumers to give point to the idea of "get," and it was not long before the internal relations of American business were totally upset, with Jews at the head of the banking system, and Jews at the head of both the conservative and radical elements of the Labor Movement, and, most potent of all, the Jewish Idea sowed through the minds of workingmen. What Idea ? The idea of "get" instead of "make."

  The idea of "get" is a vicious, anti-social and destructive idea when held alone; but when held in company with "make" and as second in importance, it is legitimate and constructive. As soon as a man or a class is inoculated with the strictly Jewish idea of "getting" - ( "getting mine"; "getting while the getting is good"; honestly if you can, dishonestly if you must-but get it"-all of which are notes of this treasonable philosophy), the very cement of Duncan society loses its adhesiveness and begins to crumble. The great myth and fiction of Money has been forced into the place of real things, and the second step of the drama can thus be opened up.

  Jewish influence on the thought of the working-men of the United States, as well as on the thought of business and professional men, has been bad, thoroughly bad. This is not manifested in a division between "capital" and "labor," for there are no such separate elements; there is only the executive and operating departments of American business. The real division is between the Jewish Idea of "get" and the Anglo-Saxon idea of "make," and at the present time the Jewish idea has been successful enough to have caused an upset.

  All over the United States, in many branches of trade, Communist colleges are maintained, officered and taught by Jews. These so-called colleges exist in Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, Rochester, Pittsburgh, New York, Philadelphia and other cities, the whole intent being to put all American labor on a "get" basis, which must prove the economic damnation of the country. That is the end sought, as in Russia.

  Until Jews can show that the infiltration of foreign Jews and the Jewish Idea into the American labor movement has made for the betterment in character and estate, in citizenship and economic statesmanship, the charge of being an alien, destructive and treasonable influence will have to stand.


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THE CHURCHES AND JEWRY

  The last place the uninstructed observer would look for traces of Jewish influence is in the Christian Church, yet if he fails to look there he will miss much. If the libraries of our theological seminaries were equipped with complete files of Jewish literary effort during recent decades, and if the theological students were required to read these Jewish utterances there would be less silly talk and fewer "easy marks" for Jewish propaganda in the American pulpit. For the next 25 years every theological seminary should support a chair for the study of Modern Jewish influence and the Protocols. The fiction, that the Jews are an Old Testament people faithful to the Mosaic Law, would then be exploded, and timid Christians would no longer superstitiously hesitate to speak the truth about them because of that sadly misinterpreted text: "I will bless them that bless thee, and curse him that curseth thee."

  There is a mission for the pulpit to liberate the Church from what the New Testament Scriptures call "the fear of the Jews." The pulpit has also the mission of liberating the Church from the error that Judah and Israel are synonymous. The reading of the Scriptures which confuse the tribe of Judah with Israel, and which interpret every mention of Israel as signifying the Jews, is at the root of more than one-half the confusion and division traceable in Christian doctrinal statements.

  The Jews are NOT "The Chosen People," though practically the entire Church has succumbed to the propaganda which declares them to be so. The Jewish tinge of thought has of late years overspread many Christian statements, and the uninstructed clergy have proved more and more amenable to Jewish suggestion.

  The flaccid condition of the Church, so much deplored by spokesmen who had regard for her inner life, was brought about not by "science," not by "scholarship," not by the "increase of light and learning"-for none of these things are antagonistic even to incomplete statements of truth-but by Jewish-German Higher Criticism. The defenders of the faith have fought long and valiantly against the inroads made by the so-called Higher Criticism, but were sadly incapacitated in their defense, because they did not see that its origin and purpose were Jewish. It was not Christian; it was not German; it was Jewish.

  It is perfectly in keeping with the Jewish World Program that this destructive influence should be sent out under Jewish auspices, and it is perfectly in keeping with non-Jewish trustfulness to accept the thing without looking at its source. The Church is now victim of a second attack against her, in the rampant Socialism and Sovietism that have been thrust upon her in the name of flabby and unmoral theories of "brotherhood" and in an appeal to her "fairness." The church has been made to believe that she is a forum for discussion and not a high place for annunciation.

  Jews have actually invaded, in person and in program, hundreds of American churches, with their subversive and impossible social ideals, and at last became so cocksure of their domination of the situation that they were met with the inevitable check.

  Clergymen ought to know that seven-eights of the economic mush they speak from the pulpit is prepared by Jewish professors of political economy and revolutionary leaders. They should be informed that economic thought has been so completely Judaized by means of a deliberate and masterly plan of camouflaged propaganda, that the mass-thought of the crowd (which is the thought mostly echoed in "popular" pulpits and editorials) is more Jewish than Jewry itself holds.

  The Jew has got hold of the Church in doctrine, in liberalism, so-called, and in the feverish and feeble sociological diversions of many classes. If there is any place where a straight study of the Jewish Question should be made it is in the modern Church which is unconsciously giving allegiance to a mass of Jewish propaganda. It is not reaction that is counselled here; it is progress along constructive paths, the paths of our forefathers, the Anglo-Saxons, who have to this day been the World-Builders, the Makers of cities and commerce and continents; and not the Jews who have never been builders or pioneers, who have never peopled the wilderness, but who move in upon the labors of other men. They are not to be blamed for not being Builders or Pioneers, perhaps; they are to be blamed for claiming all the rights of pioneers; but even then, perhaps, their blame ought not to be so great as the blame that rests upon the sons of the Anglo-Saxons for rejecting the straightforward Building of their fathers, and taking up with the doubtful ideas of Judah.


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JEWRY IN SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

  Colleges are being constantly invaded by the Jewish Idea. The sons of the Anglo-Saxons are being attacked in their very heredity. The sons of the Builders, the Makers, are being subverted to the philosophy of the destroyers. Young men in the first exhilarating months of intellectual freedom are being seized with promissory doctrines, the source and consequences of which they do not see. There is a natural rebelliousness of youth, which promises progress; there is a natural venturesomeness to play free with ancient faiths; both of which are ebullitions of the spirit and significance of dawning mental virility. It is during the periods when these adolescent expansions are in process that the youth is captured by influences which deliberately lie in wait for him at the colleges. True, in after years a large proportion come to their senses sufficiently to be able "to sit on the fence and see themselves go by," and they come back to sanity. They find that "freelove" doctrines make exhilarating club topics, but that the Family-the old-fashioned loyalty of one man and one woman to each other and their children-is the basis not only of society, but of all personal character and progress. They find that Revolution, while a delightful subject for fiery debates and an excellent stimulant to the feeling of superman-likeness, is nevertheless not the process of progress.

  The trouble with the colleges has progressed along precisely the same lines that have been described in connection with the churches. First, Jewish higher criticism in the r destruction of young men's sense of respect for the ancient foundations; second, Jewish revolutionary social doctrines. The two always go together. They cannot live apart. They are the fulfillment of the Protocol's program to split non-Jewish society by means of ideas.

  It is idle to attack the "radicalism" of college student- these are the qualities of immaturity. But it is not idle to show that social radicalism ("radicalism" being a very good word very sadly misused) comes from a Jewish source. The central group of Red philosophers in every university is a Jewish group, with often enough a "Gentile front" in the shape of a deluded professor. Some of these professors are in the pay of outside Red organizations. There are Intercollegiate Socialist Societies, swarming with Jews and Jewish influences, and toting Jewish professors around the country, addressing fraternities under the patronage of the best civic and university auspices. Student lecture courses are fine pasture for this propaganda, the purpose being to give the students the thrill of believing that they are taking part in the beginning of a new great movement, comparable to the winning of Independence.

  The revolutionary forces which head up in Jewry rely very heavily on the respectability which is given their movement by the adhesion of students and a few professors. It was so in Russia-everyone knows what the name "student" eventually came to signify in that country. The Jewish Chautauqua, which works almost exclusively in colleges and universities, together with Bolshevism in art, science, religion, economics and sociology, are driving straight through the Anglo-Saxon traditions and landmarks of our race of students. These are ably assisted by professors and clergymen whose thinking has been dislocated and poisoned by Jewish subversive influences in theology and sociology.


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WHAT TO DO ABOUT IT?

  Simply identify the source and nature of the influence which has overrun our schools and universities. Let the students know that their choice is between the Anglo-Saxons and the Tribe of Judah. Let the students decide, in making up their allegiance, whether they will follow the Buillers or those who seek to tear down. It is not a case for argument. The only absolute antidote to the Jewish influence is to call college students back to a pride of race.

  We often speak of the Fathers as if they were the few who happened to affix their signatures to a great document which marked a new era of liberty. The Fathers of our nation were the men of the Anglo-Saxon-Celtic race. The men who came from Europe with civilization in their blood and in their destiny. The men who crossed the Atlantic and set up civilization on a bleak and rock-bound coast; the men who drove north to Alaska and west to California; the men who opened up the tropics and subdued the arctics; the men who mastered the African veldt; the men who peopled I Australia and seized the gates of the world at Suez, Gibraltar and Panama; men who have given form to every govern- ; ment and a livelihood to every people and an ideal to every century. They got neither their God nor their religion from Judah, nor yet their speech nor their creative genius- they are the Ruling People. Chosen throughout the centuries to Master the world, by building it ever better and better, and not by breaking it down.

  Into the camp of this race, among the sons of the rulers, comes a people that has no civilization to point to, no aspiring religion, no universal speech, no great achievement in any realm but the realm of "get," cast out of every land that gave them hospitality, and these people endeavor to tell the Sons of the Saxons what is needed to make the world what it ought to be!

  If our sons follow this counsel of dark rebellion and destruction, it is because they do not know whose sons they are, of what race they are the scions. Let there be free speech to the limit in our universities and free intercourse of ideas, but let Jewish thoughts be labeled Jewish, and let our sons know the racial secret.


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NAME THE ENEMY!

  The warning has already gone out through the colleges. The system of Jewish procedure is already fully known. How simple it is ! First, you secularize the public schools -"secularize" is the precise word the Jews use for the process. You prepare the mind of the public school child by enforcing the rule that no mention shall ever be made to indicate that culture or patriotism is in any way connected with the deeper principles of the Anglo-Saxon religion. Keep it out, every sight and sound of it ! Keep out also every word that will aid any child to identify the Jewish race. Then, when you have thus prepared the soil, you can go into the universities and colleges and enter upon the double program of pouring contempt on all the AngloSaxon landmarks, at the same time filling the void with Jewish revolutionary ideas.

  The influence of the common people is driven out of the schools, where common people's influence can go; but Jewish influence is allowed to run rampant in the higher institutions where the common people's influence cannot go. Secularize the schools, and you can then Judaize the universities.

  This is the "liberalism" which Jewish spokesmen so much applaud. In labor unions, in churches, in universities, it has tainted the principles of work, faith and society. The proof of it is written thickly over all Jewish activities and utterances. It is in exerting these very influences that Jewry convinces itself that it is fulfilling its "mission" to the world.

  The capitalism attacked is non-Jewish capitalism; the orthodoxy attacked is Christian orthodoxy; the society attacked is the Anglo-Saxon form of society; all of which bat their destruction would redound to the glory of Judaism.

The list could be extended-the influence of the Jewish idea on Anglo-Saxon sports and pleasure, on the Anglo-Saxon idea of patriotism, on the Anglo-Saxon conception of the learned professions; the influence of the Jewish idea runs down through every department of life.

  "Well," one very badly deluded American editor, wrapped up in Jewish advertising contracts, was heard to say, "if the Jews can get away with it, then they have a right to." It is a variant of the "answer" of Jewish origin, which runs thus: "How can a paltry 3 million run the 100 million of the rest of us? Nonsense!"

  Yes, let it be agreed; if the Jewish idea is the stronger, if the Jewish ability is the greater, let them conquer; let Anglo-Saxon principles and power go down in ruins before the Tribe of Judah. But first let the two ideas struggle under their own banners; let it be a fair struggle.

  It is not a fair fight when in the movies, in the schools, in the Judaized churches, in the universities, the Anglo-Saxon idea is kept away from the Anglo-Saxons on the plea that it is "sectarian' or "clannish" or "obsolete" or something else, say, reaction.

  It is not a fair fight when Jewish ideas are offered as AngloSaxon ideas, because offered under Anglo-Saxon auspices. Let the heritage of our Anglo-Saxon fathers have free course among their Anglo-Saxon sons, and the Jewish idea can never triumph over it, in the university forum or in the marts of trade. The Jewish idea never triumphs until first the people over whom it triumphs are denied the nurture of their native culture.

  Judah has begun the struggle. Judah has made the invasion. Let it come. Let no man fear it. But let every a man insist that the fight be fair. Let college students and leaders of thought know that the objective is the regnancy of the ideas and the race that have built all the civilization we see and that promises all the civilization of the future; let them also know that the attacking force is Jewish.

  That is all that will be necessary. It is against this that the Jews protest. "You must not identify us," they say, "You must not use the term 'Jew'." Why? Because unless the Jewish idea can creep in under the assumption of other than Jewish origin, it is doomed. Anglo-Saxon ideas dare proclaim themselves and their origin. A proper proclamation is all that is necessary today. Compel every invading idea to run up its flag!


It is for this reason that we must undermine faith, eradicate from the minds of the Gentiles the very principles of God and Soul, and replace these conceptions by mathematical calculations and material desires."–The Fourth Protocol.

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Chapter 3

VICTIMS, OR PERSECUTORS?

  From the earliest record of the Jews' contact with other ; nations, no long period of years has ever passed without the charge arising that the Jews constitute "a people within a people, a nation within a nation." When this charge is made today it is vehemently denied by men who pose as the defenders of their people, and the denial is more or less countenanced by all the Jews of every class. Yet there is nothing more clearly stated in Jewish teaching, nor more clearly indicated in Jewish life, than that the charge is true. But whether the truth should be used against the Jews is quite another question.

  If the Jews are a nation, their nationality founded upon the double ground of race and religion, it is certainly outside the bounds of reason that they should be asked or expected to de-racialize, de-nationalize and de-religionize themselves; but neither is it to be expected that they should bitterly denounce those who state the facts. It is only on a basis of facts that a solution of any problem can come. Where the blame attaches is here: that the evident facts are denied, as if no one but the Jews themselves knew that there are such facts.

  If the Jews are to be continuously a nation, as they teach, and if the condition of "a nation within a nation' becomes more and more intolerable, then the solution must come through one of two things: a separation of the "nation" from the rest of the nations, or an exaltation of the "nation" above the rest of the nations. There is a mass of evidence in Jewish writings that the leaders expect both of these conditions to come-a separate nation and a super-nation; indeed the heart of Jewish teaching is that Jewry is a separate nation now, and on the way to becoming a super-nation. It is only those appointed to address the Gentiles who deny this: the real rabbinate of Judah does not deny.


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JEWS OBJECT TO "AMERICANISM. "

  In any investigation of the Jewish Question, the student is struck over and over again by the fact that what the Jews most complain of, they themselves began. They complain of what they call anti-Semitism; but it must be apparent to the dullest mind that there could never have been such a thing as anti-Semitism were there not first such a thing as Semitism. Then take the complaint about the Jews having to live in ghettos. The ghetto is a Jewish invention. In the beginning of the invasion of European cities, and centuries later of American cities, the Jews always lived by themselves because they wanted to; because they believed the presence of Gentiles contaminated them. Jewish writers, writing for Jews, freely admit this; but in writing for Gentiles, they refer to the ghetto as an illustration of Gentile cruelty. The idea of contamination originated with the Jews, it is an old oriental survival; it spread by suggestion to the Gentiles. So with this fact of the separate "nation"; it was the Jews who first recognized it, first insisted upon it and have always sought to realize that separateness both in thought and action.

  More, the true and normal type of Jew believes that the influence of Americanism, or of any civilized Gentile state, is harmful to Judaism. That is a serious statement and no amount of Gentile assertion will be sufficient to confirm it. Indeed, it is such a statement as the Gentile mind could not have evolved, because the trend of Gentile feeling is all in the opposite direction, namely that Americanization is a good thing for the Jew. It is from authoritative Jewish sources we learn this fact, that what we call civilizing influences are looked upon as being at enmity with Judaism. It is not the Gentile who says that Jewish ideals, as ideals, are incompatible with the life of our country; it is the Jew who says so. It is he who inveighs against Americanism, not the American who inveighs against Judaism.

  Americanism is yet unfinished, Judaism has been complete for centuries. While no American would think of pointing to any part of the country or to any group as representing the true and final type of Americanism, the Jews quite unhesitatingly point to parts of the world and to certain groups as representing the true type of Judaism.

  Where is the type to be found which Jewish writers recognize as the true one? The Jew of the ghetto is held up in Jewish treatises as the norm of Judaism. A famous rabbi of the synagogue of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews, on Central Park, New York, was Dr. D. de Sola Pool. He is the author of the following words:

  "In the ghetto the observance of Judaism was natural and almost inevitable. The regimen of Jewish life was the atmosphere that was breathed."

  Another famous Jewish rabbi, Dr. M. H. Segal, expresses the view that Jewry in the more modern portions of Europe and America was really kept alive by the infusions of immigrants from Poland and Lithuania. Asserting, in agreement with other Jewish leaders, that the Jewish center of the world had been in Russia and Poland until just before the 1914 war, Dr. Segal says:

  "The war (1914-1918) has destroyed the last traces of the declining Jewish society which had dragged out its feeble existence in the semi-medieval ghettos of Poland and Lithuania. With all their growing feebleness, these communities were yet the last refuge of Judaism in the Dispersion. In them there still survived something of the old Jewish life, some of the old Jewish institutions, practices and traditions. These communities also supplied such vitality as they could afford to the attenuated and atrophied Judaism in the communities of the more modern states of Europe and America."

  The idea is not at all uncommon-that large infusions of "real Jews" from the Old World ghettos are desirable and necessary in order to keep Judaism alive in countries like the United States. Israel Friedlaender whose name is held in honor by the Jews, also recognized the service of the ghetto stream to Judaism. In his lecture, "The Problem of Judaism in America," he speaks about the de-Judaizing tendencies of absolute freedom, such as the Jew has always enjoyed in the United States. This tendency, he says, is corrected in two ways-by anti-Semitic influences and "by the large stream of Jewish emigration, on the other hand, which, proceeding from the lands of oppression to the lands of freedom, carries with it, on or under the surface, the preserving and reviving influences of the ghetto." This same authority, in an article entitled "The Americanization of the Jewish Immigrant," frankly prefers the Jew fresh from the ghetto to the Jew who has been influenced t by American life.

  To "Americanize" means, in our ordinary speech, to bring into sympathy with the traditions and institutions of the United States, but the Jews do not mean only the United States when they say "America." They mean also South and Central America-where so many revolutions have occurred. There are large numbers of Jews in Argentina, and many are found in other countries. It would probably give a wrong slant to the fact to say that the Jewish leaders are wholly anti-America, but it is true to say that they are against the "Americanization" of the Jewish immigrant stream. That is, that the trend of "Americanism" is so different from the trend of "Judaism" that the two are in conflict. This does not indicate treason toward American nationalisms perhaps, so much as it indicates loyalty toward Jewish nationalism. But the reader must himself be the judge, on the facts given in this book, as to how far the difference really goes and the effect of the struggle between the two ideas. The fact of the antagonism which exists between the two is clear and complete. The Gentiles do not notice that antagonism, but the Jews are always and everywhere keenly aware of it. This throws a very strong light on all the revolutionary programs to break up the present control of society, by sowing dissensions between so-called capital and labor, by cheapening the dignity of government through corrupt politics, by trivializing the mind of the people through theaters and movies, but it is in the study of Jewish money-making out of war that the clues are found to most of the great abuses of which the Jews have been guilty. "Wars are the Jews' harvests," is an ancient saying. Their predilection for the quartermaster's department has been observed anciently and modernly. Their interest being mostly in profits and not in national issues; their traditional loyalty being to the Jewish nation, rather than to any other nation; it is natural that they should be found to be the merchants of goods and information in times of war-that is, the war profiteers and spies. As the unbroken program is traced through the Revolutionary War, through the Civil War, and through the Great War*, the only change observable is the increasing power and profit of the Jews. Although the number of Jews resident in the American colonies was small, there were enough to make a mark on the Revolutionary War; and while there was no wholesale legislation against Jews as there was in the Civil War, there were the same actions against individuals for the same causes which in 1861-5 obtained more extensively.


Page 40

JEWS AND THE "RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION" CRY

  No intelligent Jew in the United States ever was asinine enough to declare that the Jewish Question is a religious question and that investigation of that question in these articles constituted "religious persecution." But it is apparently all that remains for the "Gentile fronts" to shout about. From what can be learned of them they are for the most part men of no religion themselves and they use the term "religious persecution" as a red rag which they think will stir people into action. It is curious how the cry of "religious persecution" is used to evoke the spirit of persecution against the alleged persecutors.

  Neither directly nor by implication is it held in these articles that the Jewish Question is a religious question. On the contrary, supported by the highest Jewish authorities, it is firmly stated that the Jewish Question is one of race and nationality.

  There is no religious persecution of the Jews in the United States, unless the agitation of the various humane societies for the abolition of "kosher killing" may be considered as such-the method of slaughtering animals for food which is needlessly cruel. But even this objection can only with difficulty be stretched into interference with "the religion of the Jews." The Jewish method of slaughter as now practiced is not commanded in the Old Testament but in the Talmud, and is, therefore, not religious in the authoritative sense, but traditional. Moreover, there is positive evidence that modern methods achieve the Jewish purpose (the disposal of the blood of the carcass) much better than does the Jewish method. This is the only instance where even remotely the religion of the Jews has been touched.

  The fact is that while there is no "religious persecution". Of the Jews, there is very much real religious persecution by the Jews. That is one of the outstanding characteristics of organized Jewish life in the United States, its active, unceasing, powerful and virulent attacks upon any and all forms of Christianity which may chance to come to public notice. Now and again we hear of outbreaks of sectarian bigotry between Catholics and Protestants, but these are not to be compared with the steady, relentless, alert, anti-Christian activity of the Jewish organizations. There are doctrinal disputes within the Christian Churches, but none that challenge the basis of Christianity itself; organized Judaism, however, is not content with doctrinal disputation, but enlists its vast commercial and political power against everything that it regards as, in its own words, "Christological manifestations."

  No President of the United States has yet dared to take his inaugural oath on the open pages of the New Testament -the Jews would denounce him. Various governors of American states, having used the word "Christian" in their Thanksgiving proclamations, have been obliged to teach Americanism in our cities because it held that Christianity and good citizenship were synonymous!

  No public man in America has ever given public evidence of his Christian faith without rebuke from the Jews. Not only do the Jews disagree with Christian teaching- which is their right and no one questions it-but they excise it on demand of the Jews. Everything that would remind the child in school that he is living in the midst of a Christian civilization, in a nation declared by its Supreme Court to be founded on the Christian principles, has been ordered out of the public schools on Jewish demand. In a nation and at a time when a minority of Jews can print every year a record of the apologies they have extorted from public officials for "having inadvertently used the term 'Christian'," it is desirable that this charge of "religious persecution" should be placed where it belongs.

  The Jew glories in religious persecution as the American glories in patriotism. Religious prejudice is the Jews' chief expression of their own patriotism. It is the only well-organized, active and successful form of religious prejudice in the country because they have succeeded in pulling off the gigantic trick of making not their own attitude~ but any opposition to it, bear the stigma of "prejudice" and "persecution." That is why the Jew uses these terms so frequently. He wants to label the other fellow first. That is why any investigation of the Jewish Question is so wickedly advertised as anti-Semitism-the Jew knows the advantage of labeling the other man.

  This theme "religious persecution," will not be found anywhere within the whole range of the Jewish Question, except on the Jewish side. There is, in the United States, a religious prejudice, but it is strictly Yiddish. If the Christian population bothered one-hundredth-thousandth part as much about Jewish religion as the Jews bother about Christian observances, the whole fabric of Talmudic teaching would be consumed in the bright light to which general attention would bring it, the bright light from which it has always been concealed. Sheer analysis in the interest of mental health would compel the Jewish people to abandon the darkness which holds them now. Jewish Talmudism owes its existence today to the indifference with which it is regarded. This is the far Opposite extreme of ' religious persecution."

  Religious prejudice is just as unpleasant to write about as it is to experience in any other way. It is totally contrary to the genius of the American and the Anglo-Saxon. We have always regarded religion as a matter of conscience. To believe as he will is part of every man's fundamental liberty. Holding these hereditary principles, one chooses to study that active stream of influence in America which is known as the Jewish stream, and immediately upon doing so, one finds himself classed with the bigots and torturers of other times.

  It is time to show that the cry of "bigot" is raised mostly by bigots. There is a religious prejudice in this country, there is, indeed, a religious persecution, there is a forcible shoving aside of the religious liberties of a majority of the people, and this prejudice and persecution and use of force is Jewish and nothing but Jewish.

  A study of history and of contemporary Jewish journalism shows that Jewish prejudice and persecution is a continuous phenomenon wherever the Jews have obtained power, and that in neither action nor word has any disability placed upon the Jew equalled the disabilities he has placed and still contemplates placing upon non-Jews. There is no Christian church that the Jews have not repeatedly attacked.

  If there is in the world any extra-ecclesiastical undertaking by Catholics which has won the undivided approval of the entire Christian world it is the Passion Play of Oberammergau Yet in a volume entitled "A Rabbi's Impressions of the Oberammergau Passion Play," Rabbi Joseph Krauskopf, of Philadelphia, has stigmatized that noble production as reeking with falsehoods and vicious antiSemitism. In the rabbi's eyes, of course, it is, for to him the entire Christian tradition is a poisonous lie. The whole fabric of Christian truth, especially as it concerns the person of Christ is "the hallucinations of emotional men and hysterical women." "Thus," says the rabbi, "was invented that cruel story, that has caused more misery, more innocent suffering, than any other work of fiction in the range of the whole world's literature." a

  And thus the simple peasants of Oberammergau, presenting the Catholic faith in reverent pageant, are labeled anti-Semites.

  These are not isolated instances. When the Methodist Church put on the great pageant entitled "The Wayfarer,'' Rabbi Stephen S. Wise (American Zionist leader when this original was published, and one of the most active political leaders of Zionist Jewry in the United Nations; Ed.) played critic and made the solemn and silly statement that had he been a South Sea Islander (instead of the itinerant platform performer which he is) his first impulse, after seeing "the Wayfarer," would have been to rush out into the street and kill at least three Jews. It says a great deal, perhaps, for the channel in which Rabbi Wise's impulses run, but the tens of thousands of Methodists who saw "The Wayfarer:' will not be inclined to attribute such a criticism to the spirit of tolerance which Rabbi Wise so zealously counsels the Christians to observe.

  The Episcopal Church also has felt the attack of the Jews. Recently (June, 1921: Ed.) the Jewish Press raised a clamor that the Episcopal Church was not competent to seek to interfere with it. It is not religious tolerance in the midst of religious difference, but religious attack that they preach and practice. The whole record of the Jewish opposition to Christmas, Easter and other Christian festivals, and their opposition to certain patriotic songs, shows the venom and directness of that attack. One parallel between the Protocols and the real hopes of the Jews is written in the common Jewish prophecy that Christianity is doomed to perish. It will perish, to all intents and purposes, by becoming Judaism.

  Jewish intolerance today, yesterday and in every age of history where Jews were able to exert influence or power, is indisputable except among people who do not know the record. Jewish intolerance in the past is a matter of history; for the future it is a matter of Jewish prophecy. One of the strongest causes militating against the full Americanization of several millions of Jews in this country is their belief-instilled in them by their religious authorities-that they are "chosen," that this land is theirs, that the inhabitants are idolators, that the day is coming when the Jews will be supreme.

  How can they otherwise act than in agreement with such declarations? The supercilious attitude adopted by the Jews toward the stock that made America is merely a foreshadowing of what would be the complete attitude if power and influence made it possible. Bolshevism, which began with the destruction of the class that contained all the promise of a better Russia, is an exact parallel for the attitude that is adopted in this country regarding the original stock.


"Let us all recognize the we Jews are a distinct nationality of which every Jew, whatever his country, his station, or shade of believe, is neccessarily a member."
– Louis D. Brandeis,
Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States

Page 47

Chapter 4

ARE THE JEWS A NATION?

  No Gentile knows how many Jews there are in the United States- The figures are the exclusive property of the Jewish authorities. The government of the United States can provide statistics on almost every matter pertaining to the population of the country, but whenever it has attempted in a systematic way to get information about the Jews who are constantly entering the country, and the number now resident here, the Jewish lobby at Washington steps in and stops it. The Jews conceal their strength because Jewish influence at the Capitol has been strong enough to win on all matters affecting Jewish interests, at all times.

Immigration into the United States became a business 40 years ago-a strictly Jewish business. There is a perfect organization which overcomes the numerous objections which arise against the admission of known revolutionary Jews, European Jews are potential revolutionaries. America has not been called "The Jews' Country" in the smaller nations of Europe for nothing, and the alarming increase in Jewish immigration brings the question to public attention again. A national conviction is forming upon the subject, for it is apparent that the strictly Jewish business of getting Jews into the United States moves like are army which, having done duty in Europe for the subjugation of that continent, has transferred itself to America. Jewish secret societies in America are the principal aides in this long stampede to America. They are able to "arrange" the passport work, they "arrange" avoidance of the health regulations. The laws of the country are set aside in open contempt. The Jewish immigrants can come from anywhere and are coming from anywhere; their first glimpse of life here shows a Jewish control as potent and complete as it is in Russia. They see officials of Jewish secret societies override officials of the United States Immigration Bureau; why should they not behave as if they own the United States ? No wonder that they literally beat down the walls and gates with all the eclat of a victorious invasion. It is an invasion, nothing less, and it is inspired and helped by influences within the United States. When it is not secret it is thinly cloaked with sentiment "these people are fleeing from persecution."

  After the tide of Jewish invasion into the United States; in the 1880 's became too wide for anyone to ignore the dangers, the census authorities asked Congress for permission to classify people by "race" a well as by "country of birth." The strongest opposition was led in Congress by the Jews, principally by Simon Guggenheim and Julian WV. Mack. Hearings had to be ordered to know what elements were comprising the population; whether the United States was an Anglo-Saxon, Semitic, Latin nation, or what. The Jewish opposition to the hearings disclosed four matters very clearly: (1) the Jew is opposed to any restrictive legislation against his entrance into a country; (2) the Jew is opposed to any racial classification of himself after he has entered a country; (3) the Jewish argument to the Gentile authorities is that the Jew represents religion and not race; (4) the Jew has one view to present to the Gentiles, and another which he cherishes among his own people, on this question of Race. When Americans disregarded as un- | tenable the argument of "religion, not race," the Jewish spokesmen were able to fall hack on the fact that their powerful organizations did not want certain things and would not have certain things -argument or no argument, commission or no commission. The Jewish lobbyists had their way. There is no enumeration of Jews in the United States. There are classifications for all other races and nations, but none for the Jew. None of the other races made objection, but the Jew is not distinguished at all. What is the result today? If you ask the government of the United States how many Frenchmen there are in the country, it can give you the figures. If you ask for the number of Poles, it is there. If you ask for the number of Africans, it is known. Down a long list you may make your inquiries, you will find that the government knows. But ask the government of the United States how many Jews are in the country-and it cannot tell; there are no records.


Page 49

RACE OR RELIGION?

   What have the Jews themselves to say about "race or religion ?" The following quotations put the reader in possession of information regarding the Jew's own thought of himself as a member of a separate people, quite aside from the consideration of his religion.

Leo N. Levi, President of B'nai B'rith, 1900-1904:

  "The distinctive character of the Jew does not arise solely from his religion. It is true that his race and religion are indissolubly connected, but whatever be the cause of this junction of the race idea with the religion, it is very certain that the religion alone does not constitute the people. A believer in the Jewish faith does not by reason of that fact become a Jew. On the other hand, however, a Jew by birth remains a Jew, even though he abjures his religion."

  Graetz, the historian of the Jews, whose monumental work is one of the standard authorities, says that the history of the Jews, even since they lost the Jewish State, "still possesses a national character; it is by no means merely a creed or church history."

  Moses Hess, one of the historic figures through whom the whole Jewish Program has flowed down from its ancient sources to its modern agents, wrote a book entitled "Rome and Jerusalem" in which he stated the whole matter with clearness and force:

  "The Jews are something more than mere 'followers of a religion,' namely, they are a race, a brotherhood, a nation." (p. 71).

  "A Jew belongs to his race and consequently also to Judaism, in spite of the fact that he or his ancestors have become apostates." (pp. 97-98).

  "Every Jew is, whether he likes it or not, solidly united with the entire nation." (p. 163).

  "Jewish religion is, above all, Jewish patriotism." (p. 61).


  Louis D. Brandeis, Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States and world leader of the Zionist movement, wrote in his book "Zionism and the American Jews,"-

  "Despite the meditations of pundits or the decrees of councils, our own instinct and acts, and those of others, have defined for us the term 'Jew'."

  Rabbi Morris Joseph, sometime of the West London Synagogue of British Jews, writes in his book "Israel a Nation,"-

  "Israel is assuredly a great nation .... Israel is recognized as a nation by those who see it; no one could possibly mistake it for a sect. To deny Jewish nationality you must deny the existence of the Jew."

  The Jewish barrister, Bertram B. Benas, writes in "Zionism-the National Jewish Movement,"-

  "The Jewish entity is essentially the entity of a People." Leon Simon, a brilliant and impressive Jewish scholar and writer, makes an important study of the question of "religion and nationality," in his volume, "Studies in Jewish Nationalism." He makes out a case for the proposition that the religion of the Jews is Nationalism, and that Nationalism is an integral part of their religion:

  "The Messianic Age means for the Jew not merely the establishment of peace on earth and good will to men, but the universal recognition of the Jew and his God (p. 14).

  "Judaism has no message of salvation for the individual soul, as Christianity has; all its ideas are bound up with the existence of the Jewish nation." (p. 20).

  "The idea that Jews are a religious sect, precisely parallel to Catholics and Protestants, is nonsense." (p. 34).

  Arthur D. Lewis, a Jewish writer, in his "The Jews a Nation," also bases nationality on the racial element:

  "The Jews were originally a nation, and have retained more than most nations one of the elements of nationality-namely, the race element; this may be proved, of course, by the common-sense test of their distinguishability. You can more easily see that a Jew is a Jew than that an Englishman is an Englishman."

  The idea that the Jews comprise a nation is the most common idea of all-among Jews. Not only a nation with a past, but a nation with a future. More than that-not only a nation, but a Super-Nation. We can go still further on the authority of Jewish statements: we can say that the future form of the Jewish Nation will be a kingdom.

  Elkan N. Adler says:

  "No serious politician today doubts that our people have a political future."
 
  This future political definiteness and power was in the mind of Moses Hess when he wrote in 1862-mark the date !-in the preface of his "Rome and Jerusalem," these words:

  "No nation can be indifferent to the fact that in the coming European struggle for liberty, if may have another people as its friend or foe."

  Hess, complaining of the inequalities visited upon the Jews, was saying that what the individual Jew could not get because he was a Jew, the Jewish Nation would be able to get because it would be a nation. He warns the Gentile nations to be careful, because in that "coming struggle" there would be another nation in the list, the Jewish Nation, which could be the friend or foe of any it chose.

  Dr. Israel Friedlaender says:

  "It is enough for us to know that the Jews have always felt themselves as a separate race, sharply marked off from the rest of mankind."

  As to the problems of the Jewish Nation, there is plenty of Jewish testimony to the fact that the influence of Americanism is harmful to Jewish life; that is, they are in antagonism, like two opposite ideas. And that Zionism is the modern rallying point for Jewish nationalism. The actual beliefs of the most active and influential part of Jewry in America are demonstrated in a work published by the Zionist Organization of America, "Guide to Zionism,"

  "The name of their national religion, Judaism, is derived from their national designation. An unreligous Jew is still a Jew, and he can with difficulty escape his allegiance only by repudiating the name of Jew." (p. 5).

  Jewry nowhere subscribes in the persons of its greatest teachers and its most authoritative representatives to the theory that the Jew is only "a brother of the faith." Often he is not of the faith at all, but he is still a Jew. The "religion, not race" argument exposes the double minds of those political leaders who, instead of straightforwardly meeting the Jewish Question, endeavor to turn all inquiry aside by an impressive confusion of the Gentile mind.

  There are two Jewish Programs in the world - one which it is intended the Gentiles should see, and one which is exclusively for the Jews. In determining which is the real program, it is a safe course to adopt the one that is made to succeed. It is the program sponsored by the so called Zionists which is succeeding. That is the program whose sponsors stand for the racial and national separateness of the Jews.

  Regardless of what may be said to the Gentiles for the purpose of hindering or modifying their action, there is no question of what the Jew thinks of himself: he thinks of himself as belonging to a People, united to that people by ties of blood which no amount of credal change can weaken, heir of that People's past and agent of that People's political future. He belongs to a race; he belongs to a nation. He seeks a kingdom to come on this earth, a kingdom which shall be over all kingdoms, with Jerusalem the ruling city of the world. That desire of the Jewish nation may be fulfilled; and the relationships between Jewish nationalism and the nationalism of the peoples among whom the Jews dwell are pointers to the potential victory.


Page 54

THE POLICY OF "MISREPRESENTATION"

  To these exposures of the "religion, not race," arguments, the Jews have complained that they are being misrepresented. It is their usual complaint. They are always being "misrepresented" and "persecuted" except when they are being praised for what they are not. If the Jews were fully understood by the Gentiles, if the Christian churches, for example, were freed from their delusion that the Jews are Old Testament people, and if the churches really knew what Talmudic religion is, the "misrepresentation" would be still stronger.

  The downfall of Russia was prepared by a long and deliberate program of misrepresentation of the Russian people, through the Jewish world press and Jewish diplomatic service. The name of Poland has been drawn (December, 1920: Ed.) in filth through the press of the United States under Jewish instigation; a vilification of Poland whose sole crime was that she wished to save herself from the Jews. But whenever a hand has been raised to prevent the Jews overrunning the people and secretly securing the control of the major instruments of life, the Jews have raised the cry of "misrepresentation." They never meet the question outright. False denials, pleas for sympathy, and a base campaign for smearing others with their own crimes, and an unworthy attempt to link others with them in their fall, constitute their whole method of defense.* And a concentration of all the political, economic, legal weapons at their command are flung at the head of the outspoken critic of the Jew who persists in defending his right to national existence free from Jewish infiltration, influence and control.

  The policy of "misrepresentation" succeeds because there is a feeling strongly entrenched in Gentiles that somehow the Jews are the "chosen people," and that it is dangerous to oppose them in anything; whoever opposes the Jew is damned. "The fear of the Jews" is a very real element in life. It is just as real among the Jews as among non-Jews. The Jew himself is bound in fear to his people, and he exercises the fear of the curse throughout the sphere of religion-"I will curse them that curse thee." It remains to be proved, however, that opposition to the destructive tendencies of Jewish influences all along the principal avenues of life is a "cursing" of the Jews.

  If the Jews were really Old Testament people (which they are not), if they were really conscious of a "mission" for the blessing of all the nations, the very things in which they offend would automatically disappear. If the Jew is being "attacked" it is not because he is a Jew but because he is the source and life of certain tendencies and influences which, if they are not checked, mean the destruction of moral society. The only real misrepresentation in society is regarded as the Jews' privilege.


Page 55

DISRAELI PORTRAYS THE JEWS

  Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield and Prime Minister of Great Britain, was a Jew and gloried in it. He wrote many books, in a number of which he discussed his people in an effort to set them in a proper light. The British Government was not then so Jewish as it has since become, and Disraeli was easily one of the greatest figures in it. In his book, "Coningsby," there appears a Jewish character named Sidonia, in whose personality and through whose utterances, Disraeli sought to present the Jew as he would like the world to see him.

  Yet here is the International Jew, full dress; he is the Protocolist, too, wrapped in mystery, a man whose fingers sweep all the strings of human motive, and who controls the chief of the brutal forces-Money.

  If a non-Jew had written a Sidonia, so truthfully showing the racial history and characteristics of the Jews, he would have been subjected to that terrific pressure which the Jews apply to every truth teller about themselves.

  Disraeli caused his Jewish hero, Sidonia, to remark: "The world is governed by very different personages from what is imagined by those who are not behind the scenes," and even more illuminating lines by Disraeli which half compel the thought that, after all, he was writing to warn the world of Jewish ambition for power:

  "You never observe a great intellectual movement in Europe in which the Jews do not greatly participate. The first Jesuits were Jews. That mysterious Russian Diplomacy which so alarms western Europe is organized and principally carried on by Jews. That mighty revolution which is at this moment preparing in Germany, and which will be, in fact, a second and greater Reformation, and of which so little is yet known in England, is entirely developing under the auspices of Jews."

  Just how the Jews work to break down the established order of things, by means of ideas, as the Protocols claim, is shown in a conversation of Sidonia:

  "The Tories lose an important election at a critical moment; 'tis the Jews come forward to vote against them. The Church is alarmed at the scheme of a latitudinarian university, and learns with relief that funds are not forthcoming for its establishment; a Jew immediately advances and endows it."

  If these words had been written by a non-Jew, the cry of "anti-Semitism" would ring through the land. Yet Sidonia adds: "And every generation they (the Jews) must become more powerful and dangerous to the society that is hostile to them."

  "Latitudinarianism" is the doctrine of the Protocols in a word. It is the break-up by means of a welter of so-called "liberal" ideas which construct nothing themselves, but have the power to destroy the established order.

  Several generations have passed since Disraeli's words were written. The Jew still regards every form of non-Jewish society as hostile to him. They have become more powerful and more dangerous. Those who would measure the danger-look around !

  The Jew says that the Protocols are inventions. Is Benjamin Disraeli an invention? Was this Jewish Prime Minister of Great Britain misrepresenting his people ? He showed that in Russia, the very country where the Jews of his time complained they were least free, the Jews were in control. He showed that the Jews knew the technique of revolution, foretelling in his book the revolution that shortly broke out in Germany. How did he foreknow it? Because that revolution was developing under the auspices of Jews, and, though it was then true that "so little is yet known in England," Disraeli the Jew knew it, and knew it to be Jewish in origin and development and purpose. One point is clear; Disraeli told the truth. He presented his people before the world with correctness. He described Jewish power, Jewish purpose and Jewish method with a certainty of touch that betokens more than knowledge _ he shows racial sympathy and understanding. Why did he do it? Disraeli the flamboyant, most oriental of courtiers and suave of politicians, with a Seen financial ability Was it that typically racial boastfulness, that dangerous, aggressive conceit in which the Jew gives up most of his secrets? No matter; he is the one man who told the truth about the Jews without being accused of "misrepresenting" the Jews.


  "We will so wear out and exhaust the Gentiles by all this that they will be compelled to offer us an international authority, which by its position will enable us to absorb without disturbance all the governmental forces of the world and thus form a super-government.

  "We must so direct the education of Gentile society that its hands will drop in the weakness of discouragement in the face of any undertaking where initiative is needed."

-The Fifth Protocol.

Page 61

Chapter 5

THE JEWISH POLITICAL PROGRAM

  Theodor Herzl, one of the greatest of the Jews and founder of modern Zionism, was perhaps the farthest-seeing public exponent of the philosophy of Jewish existence that modern generations have known. He was never in doubt of the existence of the Jewish nation. He proclaimed its existence on every occasion. He said, "We are a people-One people."

  He clearly saw that what he called the Jewish Question was political. In his introduction to "The Jewish State" he says:

  "I believe that I understand anti-Semitism, which is really a highly complex movement. I consider it from a Jewish standpoint, yet without fear or hatred. I believe that I can see what elements there are in it of vulgar sport, of common trade jealousy, of inherited prejudice, of religious intolerance and also of pretended defense. I think the Jewish Question is no more a social than a religious one, notwithstanding that it sometimes takes these and other forms. It is a national question, which can only be solved by making it a political world-question to be discussed and controlled by the civilized nations of the world in council."

  Not only did Herzl declare that the Jews formed a nation, but in relating the action of this Jewish nation to the world Herzl wrote:

  "When we sink, we become a revolutionary proletariat, the subordinate officers of the revolutionary party; when we rise, there rises also our terrible power of the purse."

  This view, which appears to be the true view in that it is the view which has been longest sustained in Jewish thought, is brought out also by Lord Eustace Percy, and re-published, apparently with approval, by the Canadian "Jewish Chronicle." It will repay careful reading.

  "Liberalism and Nationalism, with a flourish of trumpets, threw open the doors of the ghetto and offered equal citizenship to the Jew. The Jew passed out into the Western World, saw the power and the glory of it, used it and enjoyed it, laid his hand indeed upon the nerve centers of its civilization, guided, directed and exploited it, and then -refused the offer .... Moreover-and this is a remarkable thing-the Europe of nationalism and liberalism, of scientific government and democratic equality is more intolerable to him than the old oppressions and persecutions of despotism ....

  "In a world of completely organized territorial sovereignties he (the Jew) has only two possible cities of refuge: he must either pull down the pillars of the whole national state system or he must create a territorial sovereignty of his own. In this perhaps lies the explanation both of Jewish Bolshevism and of Zionism, for at this moment Eastern Jewry seems to hover uncertainly between the two. In Eastern Europe Bolshevism and Zionism often seem to grow side by side, just as Jewish influence molded Republican and Socialist thought throughout the nineteenth century, down to the Young Turk revolution in Constantinople hardly more than a decade ago-not because the Jew cares for the positive side of radical philosophy, not because he desires to be a partaker in Gentile nationalism or Gentile democracy, but because no existing Gentile system of government is ever anything but distasteful to him."

  All that is true, and Jewish thinkers of the more fearless type always recognize it as true. The Jew against the Gentile scheme of things. He is, when he gives his tendencies full sway, a Republican as against the monarchy, a Socialist as against the republic, and a Bolshevist as against socialism.

  What are the causes of this disruptive activity? First, his essential lack of democracy. Jewish nature is autocratic. Democracy is all right for the rest of the world, but the Jew wherever he is found forms an aristocracy of one sort or another. Democracy is merely a tool of a word which Jewish agitators use to raise themselves to the ordinary level in places where they are oppressed below it; but having reached the common level they immediately make efforts for special privileges, as being entitled to them- a process which the late Peace Conference (Versailles: Ed.) will remain the most startling example. The Jews today are the only people whose special and extraordinary privileges are written into the world's Treaty of Peace. (Original published in July, 1920: refer also to the present United Nations: Editor).

  In all the explanations of anti-Jewish feeling which modern Jewish spokesmen make, these three alleged causes are commonly given-these three and no more: religious prejudice, economic jealousy, social antipathy. Whether the Jew knows it or not, every Gentile knows that on his side of the Jewish Question no religious prejudice exists. Economic jealousy may exist, at least to this extent, that his uniform success has exposed the Jew to much scrutiny. The finances of the world are in control of Jews; their decisions and their devices are themselves our economic law.

  Economic jealousy may explain some of the anti-Jewish feeling; it cannot account for the presence of the Jewish Question except as the hidden causes of Jewish financial success may become a minor element of the larger problem. And as for social antipathy-there are many more undesirable Gentiles in the world than there are undesirable Jews, for the simple reason that there are many more Gentiles.

  None of the Jewish spokesmen mention the political cause, or if they come within suggestive distance of it, they limit it and localize it. The political element inheres in the fact that the Jews form a nation in the midst of the nations. It is not the fact that-the Jews remain a nation in the midst of the nations; it is the USE made of that inescapable status, which the world has found to be reprehensible. The nations have tried to reduce the Jews to unity with themselves, but destiny seems to have marked them out to continuous nationhood. Both the Jews and the World will have to accept that fact. The Jewish world program, and the political basis of anti-Jewish feeling which that program creates, is exposed by Jewish cosmopolitanism with regard to the world, and by Jewish nationalistic integrity with regard to themselves.


Page 61

Chapter 5

THE JEWISH POLITICAL PROGRAM

  Theodor Herzl, one of the greatest of the Jews and founder of modern Zionism, was perhaps the farthest-seeing public exponent of the philosophy of Jewish existence that modern generations have known. He was never in doubt of the existence of the Jewish nation. He proclaimed its existence on every occasion. He said, "We are a people-One people."

  He clearly saw that what he called the Jewish Question was political. In his introduction to "The Jewish State" he says:

  "I believe that I understand anti-Semitism, which is really a highly complex movement. I consider it from a Jewish standpoint, yet without fear or hatred. I believe that I can see what elements there are in it of vulgar sport, of common trade jealousy, of inherited prejudice, of religious intolerance and also of pretended defense. I think the Jewish Question is no more a social than a religious one, notwithstanding that it sometimes takes these and other forms. It is a national question, which can only be solved by making it a political world-question to be discussed and controlled by the civilized nations of the world in council."

  Not only did Herzl declare that the Jews formed a nation, but in relating the action of this Jewish nation to the world Herzl wrote:

  "When we sink, we become a revolutionary proletariat, the subordinate officers of the revolutionary party; when we rise, there rises also our terrible power of the purse."

  This view, which appears to be the true view in that it is the view which has been longest sustained in Jewish thought, is brought out also by Lord Eustace Percy, and re-published, apparently with approval, by the Canadian "Jewish Chronicle." It will repay careful reading.

  "Liberalism and Nationalism, with a flourish of trumpets, threw open the doors of the ghetto and offered equal citizenship to the Jew. The Jew passed out into the Western World, saw the power and the glory of it, used it and enjoyed it, laid his hand indeed upon the nerve centers of its civilization, guided, directed and exploited it, and then -refused the offer .... Moreover-and this is a remarkable thing-the Europe of nationalism and liberalism, of scientific government and democratic equality is more intolerable to him than the old oppressions and persecutions of despotism ....

  "In a world of completely organized territorial sovereignties he (the Jew) has only two possible cities of refuge: he must either pull down the pillars of the whole national state system or he must create a territorial sovereignty of his own. In this perhaps lies the explanation both of Jewish Bolshevism and of Zionism, for at this moment Eastern Jewry seems to hover uncertainly between the two. In Eastern Europe Bolshevism and Zionism often seem to grow side by side, just as Jewish influence molded Republican and Socialist thought throughout the nineteenth century, down to the Young Turk revolution in Constantinople hardly more than a decade ago-not because the Jew cares for the positive side of radical philosophy, not because he desires to be a partaker in Gentile nationalism or Gentile democracy, but because no existing Gentile system of government is ever anything but distasteful to him."

  All that is true, and Jewish thinkers of the more fearless type always recognize it as true. The Jew against the Gentile scheme of things. He is, when he gives his tendencies full sway, a Republican as against the monarchy, a Socialist as against the republic, and a Bolshevist as against socialism.

  What are the causes of this disruptive activity? First, his essential lack of democracy. Jewish nature is autocratic. Democracy is all right for the rest of the world, but the Jew wherever he is found forms an aristocracy of one sort or another. Democracy is merely a tool of a word which Jewish agitators use to raise themselves to the ordinary level in places where they are oppressed below it; but having reached the common level they immediately make efforts for special privileges, as being entitled to them- a process which the late Peace Conference (Versailles: Ed.) will remain the most startling example. The Jews today are the only people whose special and extraordinary privileges are written into the world's Treaty of Peace. (Original published in July, 1920: refer also to the present United Nations: Editor).

  In all the explanations of anti-Jewish feeling which modern Jewish spokesmen make, these three alleged causes are commonly given-these three and no more: religious prejudice, economic jealousy, social antipathy. Whether the Jew knows it or not, every Gentile knows that on his side of the Jewish Question no religious prejudice exists. Economic jealousy may exist, at least to this extent, that his uniform success has exposed the Jew to much scrutiny. The finances of the world are in control of Jews; their decisions and their devices are themselves our economic law.

  Economic jealousy may explain some of the anti-Jewish feeling; it cannot account for the presence of the Jewish Question except as the hidden causes of Jewish financial success may become a minor element of the larger problem. And as for social antipathy-there are many more undesirable Gentiles in the world than there are undesirable Jews, for the simple reason that there are many more Gentiles.

  None of the Jewish spokesmen mention the political cause, or if they come within suggestive distance of it, they limit it and localize it. The political element inheres in the fact that the Jews form a nation in the midst of the nations. It is not the fact that-the Jews remain a nation in the midst of the nations; it is the USE made of that inescapable status, which the world has found to be reprehensible. The nations have tried to reduce the Jews to unity with themselves, but destiny seems to have marked them out to continuous nationhood. Both the Jews and the World will have to accept that fact. The Jewish world program, and the political basis of anti-Jewish feeling which that program creates, is exposed by Jewish cosmopolitanism with regard to the world, and by Jewish nationalistic integrity with regard to themselves.



Page 61

Chapter 5

THE JEWISH POLITICAL PROGRAM

  Theodor Herzl, one of the greatest of the Jews and founder of modern Zionism, was perhaps the farthest-seeing public exponent of the philosophy of Jewish existence that modern generations have known. He was never in doubt of the existence of the Jewish nation. He proclaimed its existence on every occasion. He said, "We are a people-One people."

  He clearly saw that what he called the Jewish Question was political. In his introduction to "The Jewish State" he says:

  "I believe that I understand anti-Semitism, which is really a highly complex movement. I consider it from a Jewish standpoint, yet without fear or hatred. I believe that I can see what elements there are in it of vulgar sport, of common trade jealousy, of inherited prejudice, of religious intolerance and also of pretended defense. I think the Jewish Question is no more a social than a religious one, notwithstanding that it sometimes takes these and other forms. It is a national question, which can only be solved by making it a political world-question to be discussed and controlled by the civilized nations of the world in council."

  Not only did Herzl declare that the Jews formed a nation, but in relating the action of this Jewish nation to the world Herzl wrote:

  "When we sink, we become a revolutionary proletariat, the subordinate officers of the revolutionary party; when we rise, there rises also our terrible power of the purse."

  This view, which appears to be the true view in that it is the view which has been longest sustained in Jewish thought, is brought out also by Lord Eustace Percy, and re-published, apparently with approval, by the Canadian "Jewish Chronicle." It will repay careful reading.

  "Liberalism and Nationalism, with a flourish of trumpets, threw open the doors of the ghetto and offered equal citizenship to the Jew. The Jew passed out into the Western World, saw the power and the glory of it, used it and enjoyed it, laid his hand indeed upon the nerve centers of its civilization, guided, directed and exploited it, and then -refused the offer .... Moreover-and this is a remarkable thing-the Europe of nationalism and liberalism, of scientific government and democratic equality is more intolerable to him than the old oppressions and persecutions of despotism ....

  "In a world of completely organized territorial sovereignties he (the Jew) has only two possible cities of refuge: he must either pull down the pillars of the whole national state system or he must create a territorial sovereignty of his own. In this perhaps lies the explanation both of Jewish Bolshevism and of Zionism, for at this moment Eastern Jewry seems to hover uncertainly between the two. In Eastern Europe Bolshevism and Zionism often seem to grow side by side, just as Jewish influence molded Republican and Socialist thought throughout the nineteenth century, down to the Young Turk revolution in Constantinople hardly more than a decade ago-not because the Jew cares for the positive side of radical philosophy, not because he desires to be a partaker in Gentile nationalism or Gentile democracy, but because no existing Gentile system of government is ever anything but distasteful to him."

  All that is true, and Jewish thinkers of the more fearless type always recognize it as true. The Jew against the Gentile scheme of things. He is, when he gives his tendencies full sway, a Republican as against the monarchy, a Socialist as against the republic, and a Bolshevist as against socialism.

  What are the causes of this disruptive activity? First, his essential lack of democracy. Jewish nature is autocratic. Democracy is all right for the rest of the world, but the Jew wherever he is found forms an aristocracy of one sort or another. Democracy is merely a tool of a word which Jewish agitators use to raise themselves to the ordinary level in places where they are oppressed below it; but having reached the common level they immediately make efforts for special privileges, as being entitled to them- a process which the late Peace Conference (Versailles: Ed.) will remain the most startling example. The Jews today are the only people whose special and extraordinary privileges are written into the world's Treaty of Peace. (Original published in July, 1920: refer also to the present United Nations: Editor).

  In all the explanations of anti-Jewish feeling which modern Jewish spokesmen make, these three alleged causes are commonly given-these three and no more: religious prejudice, economic jealousy, social antipathy. Whether the Jew knows it or not, every Gentile knows that on his side of the Jewish Question no religious prejudice exists. Economic jealousy may exist, at least to this extent, that his uniform success has exposed the Jew to much scrutiny. The finances of the world are in control of Jews; their decisions and their devices are themselves our economic law.

  Economic jealousy may explain some of the anti-Jewish feeling; it cannot account for the presence of the Jewish Question except as the hidden causes of Jewish financial success may become a minor element of the larger problem. And as for social antipathy-there are many more undesirable Gentiles in the world than there are undesirable Jews, for the simple reason that there are many more Gentiles.

  None of the Jewish spokesmen mention the political cause, or if they come within suggestive distance of it, they limit it and localize it. The political element inheres in the fact that the Jews form a nation in the midst of the nations. It is not the fact that-the Jews remain a nation in the midst of the nations; it is the USE made of that inescapable status, which the world has found to be reprehensible. The nations have tried to reduce the Jews to unity with themselves, but destiny seems to have marked them out to continuous nationhood. Both the Jews and the World will have to accept that fact. The Jewish world program, and the political basis of anti-Jewish feeling which that program creates, is exposed by Jewish cosmopolitanism with regard to the world, and by Jewish nationalistic integrity with regard to themselves.


Page 64

JEWISH NATIONALISM AND THE PROTOCOLS

  No one now pretends to deny, except a few spokesmen who really do not rule the thought of the Jews but are set forth for the sole benefit of influencing Gentile thought, that the socially and economically disruptive elements abroad in the world today are not only manned but also monied by Jewish interests.

  For a long time this fact was held in suspense owing to the vigorous denial of the Jews and the lack of information on the part of those agencies of publicity to which the public looked for its information. But now the facts are coming forth. Herzl's words are being proved to be true- "when we sink, we become a revolutionary proletariat, the subordinate officers of the revolutionary party." These words were first published in English in 1896 !

  Just now these tendencies are working in two directions! one for the tearing down of the Gentile states all over the world, the other for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. The latter project engaged the attention of the whole world. The Zionists make a great deal of noise about Palestine, but it can scarcely be designated as more than an unusually ambitious colonization scheme. The Jewish "home" idea so sedulously cultivated is a very useful smokescreen for the confiscation of the immeasurable sources of mineral and oil wealth. It is also serving as a very useful public screen for the carrying on of secret activities.

  International Jews, the controllers of the world's governmental and financial power, may meet anywhere, at any time, in war or peace time, and by giving out that they are only considering the ways and means of opening up Palestine to the Jews, they easily escape the suspicion of being together on any other business.

  Though Jewish nationalism exists, its enshrinement in a state to be set up in Palestine is not the project that is engaging the whole Jewish nation. The Jews will not move into Palestine just yet; they will not move in at all merely because of the Zionist movement. Quite another motive will be the cause of the exodus out of the Gentile nations, when the time for that exodus fully comes.

  The world has long suspected-at first only a few, then the secret departments of the governments, next the intellectuals among the people, now more and more the common people themselves-that not only are the Jews a nation distinct from all other nations and mysteriously unable to sink their nationality by any means they or the world may adopt to this end, but that they also constitute a STATE; that they are nationally conscious, not only, but consciously united for a common defense for a common purpose. Revert to Herzl's definition of the Jewish nation as held together by a common enemy, and then reflect that this common enemy is the Gentile world ! Does this people which knows itself to be a nation remain loosely unorganized in the face of that fact? It would hardly be like Jewish astuteness in other fields! The interest of the Protocols is their bearing on the questions: Have the Jews an organized world system ? What is its policy ? How is it being worked?

  These questions all receive full attention in the Protocols. Whosoever was the mind that conceived them possessed a knowledge of human nature, of history and of statecraft which is dazzling in its brilliant completeness, and terrible in the objects to which it turns its powers. If, indeed, one mind alone conceived them. It is too terribly real for fiction, too well-sustained for speculation, too deep in its knowledge of the secret springs of life for forgery. Jewish attacks upon it thus far make much of the fact that it came out of Russia. That is hardly true. It came by way of Russia.

  The internal evidence makes it clear that the Protocols were not written by a Russian, nor originally in the Russian language, nor under the influence of Russian conditions, but they found their way to Russia and were first published there about 1905 by a Professor Nilus, who attempted to interpret the Protocols by events then going forward in Russia.

They have been found by diplomatic officers in manuscript in all parts of the world. Wherever Jewish power is able to do so, it has suppressed them, sometimes under the extreme penalty.

  Their persistence is a fact which challenges the mind Sheer lies do not live long, their power soon dies. The Protocols are more alive than ever. They have penetrated higher places than ever before. They have compelled a more Serious attitude to them than ever before. The Protocols are a World Program-there is no doubt anywhere of that-whose program is stated within the articles themselves. But as for outer confirmation, which would be the more valuable - a signature, or six signatures, or twenty signatures, or a 50-year unbroken line of effort fulfilling that program ?

  The point of interest for this and other countries is not t at a "criminal or a madman" conceived such a program but that, when conceived, this program found means of getting itself fulfilled in its most important particulars. The document is comparatively unimportant; the conditions to which it calls attention are of a very high degree of importance.


  "When we become rulers we shall regard as undesirable the existence of any religion except our own, proclaiming One God with Whom our fate is tied as The Chosen People, and by Whom our fate has been made one with the fate of the world. For this reason we must destroy all other religions. If thereby should emerge contemporary atheists, then, as a transition step, this will not interfere with our aims. -The Fourteenth Protocol.
  "A world coalition of Gentiles could cope with us temporarily, but we are assured against this by roots of dissension among them so deep that they cannot be torn out. We have created antagonism between the personal and national interests of the Gentiles by arousing religious and race hatreds which we have nourished in their hearts for twenty centuries. "-The Fifth Protocol.
 
 

  "When we become rulers we shall regard as undesirable the existence of any religion except our own, proclaiming One God with Whom our fate is tied as The Chosen People, and by Whom our fate has been made one with the fate of the world. For this reason we must destroy all other religions. If thereby should emerge contemporary atheists, then, as a transition step, this will not interfere with our aims.  -
The Fourteenth Protocol.
 
  "A world coalition of Gentiles could cope with us temporarily, but we are assured against this by roots of dissension among them so deep that they cannot be torn out. We have created antagonism between the personal and national interests of the Gentiles by arousing religious and race hatreds which we have nourished in their hearts for twenty centuries. "
-The Fifth Protocol.

Page 69

Chapter 6

AN INTRODUCTION TO THE "JEWISH PROTOCOLS"

  The documents most frequently mentioned by those who are interested in the theory of Jewish World Power rather than in the actual operation of that power in the world today, are those 24 documents known as "The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion."

 The Protocols have attracted much attention in Europe, having been the center of an important storm of opinion in England, but discussion of them in the United States has been limited.

  Who it was that first entitled these documents with the name of the "Elders of Zion" is not known. It would be possible without serious mutilation of the documents to remove all hint of Jewish authorship, and yet retain all the main points of the most comprehensive program for world subjugation that has ever come to public knowledge.

  Yet to eliminate all hint of Jewish authorship would be to bring out a number of contradictions which do not exist in the Protocols in their present form. The purpose of the plan revealed in the Protocols is to undermine all authority in order that a new authority in the form of an autocracy may be set up. Such a plan would not emanate from a ruling class which already possessed authority, although it might emanate from anarchists. But anarchists do not avow autocracy as the ultimate condition they seek. The authors might be conceived as a company of French Subversives such as existed at the time of the French Revolution and had the infamous Duc d' Orleans as their leader, but this would involve a contradiction between the fact that those Subversives have passed away, and the fact that the program announced in these Protocols is being steadily carried out, not only in France, but throughout Europe, and very noticeably in the United States.

  In their present form which bears evidence of being their original form, there is no contradiction. The allegation of Jewish authorship seems essential to the consistency of the plan.

  If these documents were the forgeries which Jewish apologists claim them to be, the forgers would probably have taken pains to make Jewish authorship so clear that their anti-Semitic purpose could easily have been detected. But only twice is the term "Jew" used in them. After one has read further than the average reader usually cares to go into such matters, one comes upon the plans for the establishment of the World Autocrat, and only then is it made clear of what lineage he is to be.

  But all through the documents there is left no doubt as to the people against whom the plan is aimed. It is not aimed against aristocracy as such. It is not aimed against capital as such. Very definite provisions are made for the enlistment of aristocracy, capital and government for the execution of the plan. It is aimed against the people of the world who are called "Gentiles." It is the frequent mention of "Gentiles" that really decides the purpose of the documents. Most of the destructive type of "liberal" plans aim at the enlistment of the people as helpers; this plan aims at the degeneration of the people in order that they may be reduced to confusion of mind and thus manipulated. Popular movements of a "liberal" kind are to be encouraged, all the disruptive philosophies in religion, economics, politics and domestic life are to be sown and watered, for the purpose of so disintegrating social solidarity and a definite plan, herein set forth, may be put through without notice, and the people then molded to it when the fallacy of these philosophies is shown.

  The formula of speech is not, "We Jews will do this," but "The Gentiles will be made to think and do these things." With the exception of a few instances in the closing Protocols, the only distinctive racial term used is "Gentiles."


Page 71

RACIAL DIVERGENCIES

  To illustrate: the first indication of this kind comes in the First Protocol in this way:

  "The great qualities of the people-honesty and frankness-are essentially vices in politics, because they dethrone more surely and more certainly than does the strongest enemy. These qualities are attributes of Gentile rule; we certainly must not be guided by them."

  And again:

  "On the ruins of the hereditary aristocracy of the Gentiles we have set up the aristocracy of our educated class, and over all the aristocracy of money. We have established the basis of this new aristocracy on the basis of riches, which we control, and on the science guided by our wise men."

  Again:

  "We will force up wages, which, however, will be of no benefit to workers, for we at the same time will cause a rise in prices of prime necessities, pretending that this is due to the decline of agriculture and of cattle raising. We will also artfully and deeply undermine the sources of production by instilling in the workmen ideas of anarchy, and encourage them in the use of alcohol, at the same time taking measures to 2 drive all the intellectual forces of the Gentiles from the land."

  (A forger with anti-Semitic malice might have written this any time within the last five years, but these words were in print as early as 1905, a copy having been in the British Museum since 1906, and they were circulated in Russia a number of years prior.) The above point continues:

  "That the true situation shall not be noticed by the Gentiles prematurely, we will mask it by a pretended effort to serve the working classes and promote great economic principles, for which an active propaganda will be carried on through our economic theories"

  These quotations will illustrate the style of the Protocols in making references to the parties involved. It is "we" for the writers, and "Gentiles" for those who are being written about. This is brought out very clearly in the Fourteenth Protocol:

  "In this divergence between the Gentiles and ourselves in ability to think and reason is to be seen clearly the seal of our election as the chosen people, as higher human beings, in contrast with the Gentiles who have merely instinctive and animal minds. They observe, but they do not foresee, and they invent nothing (except perhaps material things). It is clear from this that nature herself predestined us to rule and guide the world."

  This, of course, has been the Jewish method of dividing humanity from the earliest times. The world was only Jew and Gentile; all that was not Jew was Gentile. The use of the word Jew may be illustrated by this passage from the Eighth section:

  "For the time being, until it will be safe to give responsible government positions to our brother Jews, we shall entrust them to people whose past and whose characters are such that there is an abyss between them and the people."

  This is the practice known as using "Gentile fronts" which is extensively practiced in the financial world today in order to cover up the evidences of Jewish control. How much progress has been made since these words were written is indicated by the party convention at San Francisco when the name of Judge Brandeis was proposed for President. It is reasonably to be expected that the public mind will be made more and more familiar with the idea of Jewish occupancy-which will be really a short step from the present degree of influence which the Jews exercise- of the highest office in the government. There is no function of the American Presidency in which the Jews have not already secretly assisted in a very important degree. Actual occupancy of the office is not necessary to enhance their power, but to promote certain things which parallel very closely the plans outlined in the Protocols.

  Another point which the reader of the Protocols will notice is that the tone of exhortation is entirely absent from these documents. They are not propaganda. They are not efforts to stimulate the ambitions or activity of those to whom they are addressed. They are as cool as a legal paper and as matter-of-fact as a table of statistics. There is none of the "Let us rise, my brothers" stuff about them. There is no "Down with the Gentiles" hysteria. These Protocols, if indeed they were made by Jews and confined to Jews, or if they do contain principles of a Jewish World Program, were certainly not intended for the firebrands but for the carefully prepared and tested initiates of the higher groups.


Page 74

PROBLEM OF ORIGIN

  Jewish apologists have asked, "Is it conceivable that if there were such a world program on the part of the Jews, they would reduce it to writing and publish it?" But there is no evidence that these Protocols were ever uttered otherwise than in spoken words by those who put them forth. The Protocols as we have them are apparently the notes of lectures which were made by someone who heard them. Some of them are lengthy; some of them are brief. The assertion which has always been made in connection with the Protocols since they have become known is that they are the notes of lectures delivered to Jewish students somewhere in France or Switzerland. The attempt to make them appear to be of Russian origin is absolutely forestalled by the point of view, the references to the times and certain grammatical indications. The tone certainly fits the supposition that they were originally lectures given to students, for their purpose is clearly not to get a program accepted but to give information concerning a program which is represented as being already in process of fulfill meet. There is no invitation to join forces or to offer opinions. Indeed it is specifically announced that neither discussion nor opinions are desired. ("While preaching liberalism to the Gentiles, we shall hold our own people and our own agents in unquestioning obedience." "The scheme of administration must emanate from a single brain .... Therefore, we may know the plan of action, but we must not discuss it, lest we destroy its unique character .... The inspired work of our leader therefore must not be thrown before a crowd to be torn to pieces, or even before a limited group.")

  Moreover, taking the Protocols at their face value, it is evident that the program outlined in these lectures eras not a new one at the time the lectures were given. There is no evidence of its being of recent arrangement. There is almost the tone of a tradition, or a religion, in it all, as if it had been handed down from generation to generation through the medium of specially trusted and initiated men. There is no note of new discovery or fresh enthusiasm in it, but the certitude and calmness of facts long known and policies long confirmed by experiment.

  The point of age of the program is touched upon at least twice in the Protocols themselves. In the First Protocol this paragraph appears:

  "Already in ancient times we were the first to shout the words, 'Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,' among the people. These words have been repeated many times since by unconscious poll-parrots, flocking from all sides to this bait, with which they have ruined the -prosperity of the world and true personal freedom .... The presumably clever and intelligent Gentiles did not understand the symbolism of the uttered words; did not observe their contradiction in meaning; did not notice that in nature there is no equality ...."

  The other reference to the program finality is found in the Thirteenth Protocol:

  "Questions of policy, however, are permitted to no one except those who have originated the policy and have directed it for many centuries."

  Can this be a reference to a secret Jewish Sanhedrin, self-perpetuating within a certain Jewish caste from generation to generation? Again, it must be said that the originators and directors here referred to cannot be at present any ruling caste, for all that the program contemplates is directly opposed to the interests of such a caste. It cannot refer to any national aristocratic group, like the Junkers of Germany, for the methods which are proposed are the very ones which would render powerless such a group. It cannot refer to any but a people who have no open government, who have everything to gain and nothing to lose, and who can keep themselves intact amid a crumbling ,world. There is only one group that answers that description.


Page 76

GENTILE STUPIDITY

  The criticisms which these Protocols pass upon the Gentiles for their stupidity are just. It is impossible to disagree with a single item in the Protocol's description of Gentile mentality and venality. Even the most astute of the Gentile thinkers have been fooled into receiving as the motions of progress what has only been insinuated into the common human mind by the most insidious systems of propaganda. It is true that here and there a thinker has arisen to say that science so-called was not science at all. It is true that here and there a thinker has arisen to say that the so-called economic laws both of conservatives and radicals were not laws at all, but artificial inventions. It is true that occasionally a keen observer has asserted that the recent debauch of luxury and extravagance was not due to the natural impulses of the people at all, but was systematically stimulated, foisted upon them by design. It is true that a few have discerned that more than half of what passes for "public opinion" is merely hired applause and booing and has never impressed the public mind.

  But even with these clues here and there, for the most part disregarded, there has never been enough continuity and collaboration between those who were awake, to follow all the clues to their source. The chief explanation of the hold which the Protocols have had on many of the leading statesmen of the world for several decades is that they explain whence all the false influences come and what their purpose is. It is now time for the people to know. Whether the Protocols are judged as proving anything concerning the Jews or not, they constitute an education in the way the masses are turned about like sheep by influences which they do not understand. It is certain that once the principles of the Protocols are known widely and understood by the people, the criticism which they now rightly make of the Gentile mind will no longer hold good.


Page 77

DIVIDE AND RULE

  Is there likelihood of the program of the Protocols being carried through to success? The program is successful already. In many of its most important phases it is already a reality. But this need not cause alarm, for the chief weapon to be used against such a program, both in its completed and uncompleted parts, is clear publicity. Let the people know. Arousing the people, alarming the people, appealing to the passions of the people is the method of the plan outlined in the Protocols. The antidote is merely ENLIGHTENING the people.

  The Protocols are found upon analysis to contain four main divisions. These are not marked in the structure of the documents but in the thought. There is a fifth, if the object of it all is included, but this object is assumed throughout the Protocols, being only here and there defined in terms. And the four main divisions are great trunks from which there are numerous branches.

  There is first what is alleged to be the Jewish Conception of human nature, by which is meant Gentile nature. Secondly, there is the account of what has already been accomplished in the realization of the program-things already done. Thirdly, there is a complete instruction in the methods to be used to get the program still further fulfilled. Fourth, the Protocols contain in detail some of the achievements which, at the time these words were uttered, were yet to be made. Some of these desired things have been achieved in the meantime, for it should be borne in mind that between 1905 and the present time there have been set in motion many powerful influences to attain certain ends. The achievement to be made was the break up of Gentile solidarity and strength, expedited, of course, by the great wars in Europe. The method expounded is one of disintegration. Break up the people into parties and sects. Sow abroad the most promising and utopian of ideas and you will do two things: you will always find 8 group to cling to each idea you throw out; and you will find this partisanship dividing and estranging the various groups. The authors of the Protocols show in detail how this is to be done. Not one idea, but a mass of ideas are to be thrown out, and there is to be no unity among them. The purpose is not to get the people thinking one thing, but to think so diversely about so many different things that there will be no unity among them. The result of this will be vast disunity, vast unrest-and that is the result aimed at. When once the solidarity of Gentile society is broken up-and the name "Gentile society" is perfectly correct, for human society is overwhelmingly Gentile then this solid wedge of another idea which is not at all affected by the prevailing confusion can make its way unsuspected to the place of control. It is well enough known that a body of 20 trained police or soldiers can accomplish more than a disordered mob of a thousand persons. So the minority initiated into the plan can do more with a nation or a world broken into a thousand antagonistic parties, than any of the parties could do. "Divide and rule" is the motto of the Protocols.

  Take for illustration these passages: * This from the First Protocol:

  "Political freedom is an idea, not a fact. It is necessary to know how to apply this idea when there is need of a clever bait to gain the support of the people for one's party, if such a party has undertaken to defeat another party already in power. This task is made easier if the opponent has himself been infected by principles of freedom or so-called liberalism, and for the sake of the idea will yield some of his power."

  Consider this from the Fifth Protocol:

  "To obtain control over public opinion, it is first necessary to confuse it by the expression from various sides of so many conflicting opinions .... this is the first secret. The second secret consists in so increasing and intensifying the shortcomings of the people in their habits, passions and mode of living that no one will be able to collect himself in the chaos, and, consequently, people will lose all their mutual understanding. This measure will serve us also in breeding disagreement in all parties, in disintegrating all those collective forces which are still unwilling to submit to us and in discouraging all personal initiative which can in any way interfere with our undertaking."

  And this from the Thirteenth Protocol:

  ".... and you may also notice that we seek approval, not for our acts, but for our words uttered in regard to one or another question. We always announce publicly that we are guided in all our measures by the hope and the conviction that we are serving the general good."


Page 80

PROTOCOLS CLAIM PARTIAL FULFILLMENT

  Besides the things they look forward to doing, the Protocols announce the things they are doing and have done. Looking about the world today it is possible to see both the established conditions and the strong tendencies to which the Protocols allude-the terrible completeness of the World Plan which they disclose. A few general quotations will serve to illustrate the element of present achievement in the assertions of these documents, and in order that the point may be made clear to the reader the key words will be emphasized.

  Take this from Protocol Nine:

  "In reality there are no obstacles before us. Our supergovernment has such an extra-legal status that it may be called by the energetic and strong word- dictatorship. I can conscientiously say that, at the present time, we are the lawmakers. We create courts and jurisprudence. We rule with a strong will because we hold in our hands the remains of a once strong party, now subjugated by us."

  And this- from the Eighth Protocol:

  "We will surround our government with a whole world of economists. It is for this reason that the science of economics is the chief subject of instruction taught by the Jews. We shall be surrounded by a whole galaxy of bankers, industrialists, capitalists, and especially by millionaires because, actually, everything will be decided by an appeal to figures."

  These are strong claims, but not too strong for the facts that can be marshalled to illustrate them. They are, however, but an introduction to further claims that are made and equally paralleled by the facts. All through the Protocols, as in this quotation from the Eighth, the pre-eminence of the Jews in teaching political economy is insisted upon, and the facts bear that out. They are the chief authors of those vagaries which lead the mob after economic impossibilities, and they are also the chief teachers of political economy in our universities, the chief authors of those popular textbooks in the subject, which hold the conservative classes to the fiction that economic theories are economic laws. The idea, the theory, as instruments of social disintegration are common to both the university Jew and the Bolshevik Jew. When all this is shown in detail, public opinion upon the importance of academic and radical economics may undergo a change.

  And, as claimed in the quotation just given from the Ninth Protocol, the Jewish world power does today constitute a super-government. It is the Protocol's own word, and none is more fitting. No nation can get all that it wants, but the Jewish World Power can get all that it wants, even though its demands exceed Gentile equality. "We are the lawmakers," say the Protocols, and Jewish influences have been lawmakers in a greater degree than any but the specialists realize. In the past decades Jewish international rule has quite dominated the world. Wherever Jewish tendencies are permitted to work unhindered, the result is not "Americanization," nor "Anglicization" nor any other distinctive nationalism, but a strong and ruling reversion back to essential "Judaization."


Page 82

CONQUEST OF RELIGION AND PRESS

  This from the Seventeenth Protocol will be of considerable interest, perhaps, to those clergymen who are laboring with Jewish rabbis to bring about some kind of religious union:

  "We have taken good care long ago to discredit the Gentile clergy and thereby to destroy their mission, which at present might hamper us considerably. Their influence over the people diminishes daily. Freedom of conscience has been proclaimed everywhere. Consequently it is only a question of time when the complete crash of the Christian religion will occur."

  A curious paragraph in this Protocol claims for the Jewish race a particular skill in the art of insult:

  "Our contemporary Press will expose governmental and religious affairs and the incapacity of the Gentiles, always using expressions so derogatory as to approach insult, the faculty of employment which is so well known to our race."

  And this from the Fifteenth Protocol:

  "Under our influence the execution of the laws of the Gentiles is reduced to a minimum. Respect for the law is undermined by the liberal interpretation we have introduced in this sphere. The courts decide as we dictate, even in the most important cases in which are involved fundamental principles or political issues, viewing them in the light in which we present them to the Gentile administration through agents with whom we have apparently nothing in common, through newspaper opinion and other avenues."

  Claims of control of the Press are numerous, here are emphatic statements from the Fourteenth Protocol:

  "In countries called advanced, we have created a senseless, filthy and disgusting literature. For a short time after our entrance into power we shall encourage its existence so that it may show in greater relief the contrast between it and the written and spoken announcements which will emanate from Us."

  And in the Twelfth Protocol:

  "We have attained this (Press control) at the present time to the extent that all news is received through several agencies in which it is centralized from all parts of the world. These agencies will then be to all intents and purposes our own institutions and will publish only that which we permit."

  This from the Seventh Protocol bears on the same subject:

  "We must force the Gentile governments to adopt measures which will promote our broadly conceived plan, already approaching its triumphant goal, by bringing to bear the pressure of stimulated public opinion, which has been organized by us with the help of the so-called 'great power' of the Press. With a few exceptions not worth considering, it is already in our hands."

  To resume the Twelfth Protocol:

  "If we have already managed to dominate the mind of Gentile society to such a point that almost all see world affairs through the colored lenses of the spectacles which we place before their eyes, and to now there is not one government with barriers erected against our access to that which by Gentile stupidity is called state secrets, what then will it be when we are the recognized masters of the world in the person of our universal ruler?"

  The Jewish nation is the only nation that possess the secrets of all the rest. The fact that they can get whatever they want when they want it is the important point-as many a secret paper could testify if it could talk, and as many a custodian of secret papers could tell if he would. The real secret diplomacy of the world is that which hands over the world's so-called secrets to a few men who are members of one race; there is no government in the world so completely at their service as our own at present.


Page 84

NOTE ON THE DISPERSAL

  The Protocols do not regard the dispersal of the Jews abroad upon the face of the earth as a calamity, but as a providential arrangement by which the World Plan can be the more easily executed, as see these words of the Eleventh Protocol .

  "God gave us, His Chosen People, as a blessing, the dispersal, and this which has appeared to all to be our weakness has been our whole strength. It has now brought us to the threshold of universal rule."

  The claims to accomplishment which are put forth in the Ninth Protocol would be too massive for words were they not too massive for concrete realization, but there is a point where the word and the actuality meet and tally:

  "In order not to destroy prematurely the Gentile institutions, we hove laid our efficient hands on them, and rasped the springs of their mechanism. They were formerly in strict and just order, but we have replaced them with a liberal disorganized and arbitrary administration. We have tampered with jurisprudence, the franchise, the press, freedom of the person, and, most important of all, education and culture, the corner stone of free existence.

  "We hove misled, stupefied and demoralized the youth of the Gentiles by means of education in principles and theories patently false to us, but which we have inspired. Above existing laws, without actual change but by distorting them through contradictory interpretations, we have created something stupendous in the way of results."

  Everyone knows that, in spite of the fact that the air was never as full of theories of liberty and wild declarations of "rights," there has been a steady curtailment of "personal freedom." Instead of being socialized, the people, under a cover of socialistic phrases, are being brought under an unaccustomed bondage to the state; laws of every kind are hedging upon the harmless liberties of the people. A steady tendency toward systematization, every phase of the tendency based upon some very learnedly stated "principle," has set in, and curiously enough, when the investigator pursues his way to the authoritative center of these movements for the regulation of the people's life, he finds Jews in power!


Page 85

SPLITTING SOCIETY BY "IDEAS"

  The method by which the Protocols work for the breakdown of society is evident. An understanding of the method is necessary if one is to find the meaning of the currents and cross-currents which make so hopeless a hodge-podge of the present times. People who are confused and discouraged by the various voices and discordant theories of today, each seeming to be plausible and promising, may find a clear clue to the value of the voices and the meaning of the theories if they understand that their confusion and discouragement comprise the very objective which is sought. The uncertainty, hesitation, hopelessness, fear; the eagerness with which every promising plan and offered solution is grasped-these are the very reactions which the program outlined in the Protocols aims to produce. The condition is proof of the efficacy of the program.

  It is a method that takes time, and the Protocols declare that it has taken time, indeed centuries. Students of the matter find the identical program of the Protocols, announced and operated by the Jewish race, from the first century onward.

  It has taken 1900 years to bring Europe to its present degree of subjugation-violent subjugation in some countries, political subjugation in some, economic subjugation in all-but in America the same program, with almost the same degree of success, has only required about 50 years ! The center of Jewish power, the principal sponsors of the Jewish program, are resident in America, and the leverage which was used at the Peace Conferences to fasten Jewish power more securely upon Europe, was American leverage exercised at the behest of the strong Jewish pressure which was brought from the United States for that purpose. And these activities did not end with the Peace Conference.

  The whole method of the Protocols may be described in one word, Disintegration. The undoing of what has been done, the creation of a long and hopeless interim in which attempts at reconstruction shall be baffled, and the gradual wearing down of public opinion and public confidence, until those who stand outside the created chaos shall insert their strong, calm hand to seize control-that is the whole method of procedure.

  The Protocols distinctly declare that it is by means of the set of ideas which cluster around "democracy," that their first victory over public opinion was obtained. The idea is the weapon. And to be a weapon it must be an idea at variance with the natural trend of life. It must be a theory opposed to the facts of life. And no theory so opposed can be expected to take root and become the ruling factor, unless it appeals to the mind as reasonable, inspiring and good. The Truth frequently seems unreasonable; the Truth frequently is depressing; the Truth sometimes seems to be evil; but it has this eternal advantage, it is the Truth, and what is built thereon neither brings nor yields to confusion. This first step does not give the control of public opinion, but leads up to it. It is worthy to note that it is this sowing of "the poison of liberalism," as the Protocols name it, which comes first in order in those documents. Then, following upon that, the Protocols say:

  "To obtain control over public opinion it is first necessary to confuse it."

  Truth is one and cannot be confused, but this false, appealing liberalism which has been sown broadcast, and which is ripening faster under Jewish nurture in America than ever it did in Europe, is easily confused because it is not truth. It is error, and error has a thousand forms. Take a nation, a party, a city, an association in which "the poison of liberalism" has been sown, and you can split that up into as many factions as there are individuals simply by throwing among them certain modifications of the original idea. That is a piece of strategy well known to the forces that invisibly control mass-thought. Theodor Herzl, the arch-Jew, a man whose vision was wider than any contemporary statesman's and whose program paralleled the Protocols, knew this many years ago when he said that the Zionist (cryptic for "Jewish") state would come before the Socialist state could come; he knew with what endless divisions the "liberalism" which he and his predecessors had planted would be shackled and crippled.

  The process of which all Gentiles have been the victims, but never the Jews-never the Jews !-is just this: First, to create an ideal of "broad-mindedness." That is the phrase which appears in every Jewish remonstrance against public mention of the Jew and his alleged World Program: "We thought you were too broad-minded a man to express such thoughts." It is a sort of key word, indicative of the state of mind in which it is desired that the Gentiles be kept. It is a state of flabby tolerance. A state of mind which mouths meaningless phrases about Liberty, phrases which act as an opiate on the mind and conscience and which allow all sorts of things to be done under cover.

  The phrase, the slogan, is a very dependable Jewish weapon. ("In all times people have accepted words for acts."-Protocol 5.) The reality behind the phrase the Protocols frankly admit to be non-existent.

  Men are born believers. For a time they may believe in "broad-mindedness" and under the terrific social pressure that has been set up in its favor they will openly espouse it. But it is too shallow to satisfy any growing roots of life. They must believe, deeply, something. For proof of this, notice the undeniable strength of the negative beliefs which are held by men who fancy that they believe nothing. Therefore, some who are highly endowed with independence of spirit, root down into those prohibited matters which at some point touch Jewish concerns-these are the "narrow" men. But others find it more convenient to cultivate those departments which promise a highway whereon there Shall be no clashes of vital opinion, no chance of the charge of "intolerance"; in short they transfer all their contemplative powers to the active life; even as it is written in the Protocols-"To divert Gentile thought and observation, interest must be deflected to industry and commerce." It is just this Deflection to the materialistic base that offer the Protocolists, and similarly Jewish propagandists, their best hold. "Broad-mindedness"-in leaving vital matters severely alone-descends quickly into material-mindedness. Within this lower sphere all the discord which distresses the world today is to be found.

  It means, as everything about us shouts, the prostitution of service to profits and the eventual disappearance of the profits: It means that the high art of management degenerates into exploitation. It means reckless confusion among the managers and dangerous unrest among the working men. But it means something worse: it means the splitting up of Gentile society. Not a division between "Capital" and "Labor," but the division between the Gentile at both ends of the working scheme, as the Protocols confirm: "To make it possible for liberty definitely to disintegrate and rein Gentile society, industry must be placed on a speculative basis."

  With Jewish capital at one end of the Gentile working scheme putting the screws on the manufacturers, and with Jewish agitators and disruptionists and subversives at the ether end of the Gentile working scheme putting the screws on the workmen, we have a condition at which the world-managers of the Protocol program must be immensely satisfied. See Protocol Nine:

"We might fear the combined strength of the Gentiles of vision with the blind strength of the masses, but we have taken all measures against such a possible contingency by raising a wall of mutual antagonism between these two forces. Thus, the blind force of the masses remains our support. We, and we alone, shall serve as their leaders. Naturally, we will direct their energy to achieve our end."

  The indication that they are highly satisfied is that they are not only not doing anything to relieve the world situation, but are apparently willing to have it made worse. The privations which are scheduled for it (unless Gentile flabbiness before the Jewish power, high and low, receives a new backbone), will bring the United States to the verge, if not across the very line, of Bolshevism. The Jews know the whole method of artificial scarcity and high prices. It was practiced in the French Revolution and in Russia. All the signs of it are in this country too.

  It is not difficult to see the genealogy of the Jewish ideas of liberalism from their origin to their latest effects upon Gentile life. The confusion aimed at is here! Bewilderment characterizes the whole mental climate of the people today. They do not know what to believe. First one set of facts is given to them, then another. First one explanation of conditions is given to them, and then another. The fact-shortage is acute. There is a whole market-ful of explanations that explain nothing, but only deepen the cone fusion. The government itself seems to be hampered, and whenever it starts on a line of investigation finds itself mysteriously tangled up so that procedure is difficult. This governmental aspect is also clearly set forth in the Protocols. Add to this the onslaught on the human tendency toward religion, which is usually the last barrier to fall before violence and robbery unashamed stalk forth

  To conclude this general view of the method, rather this part of the method, the confusion itself, which all Jewish influences converge to produce, it is expected to produce another more deeply helpless state. And that state is Exhaustion. It needs no imagination to see what this means. Exhaustion is today one of the conditions that menace the people. The war and its strain began the exhaustion; the "peace" and its confusions have about completed it. The people believe in little and expect less. Confidence is gone Initiative is nearly gone. The failure of movements falsely heralded as "people's movements" has gone far to make the people think that no people's movement is possible. So say the Protocols:

  "To wear everyone out by dissensions, animosities, feuds, famine, inoculation of diseases, want, until the Gentiles see no other way of escape except by an appeal to our money power."  – Protocol 10.
 
  "We will so wear out anal exhaust the Gentiles by all this that they will be compelled to offer us an international authority, which by its position will enable us to absorb without disturbance all the governmental forces of the world and thus form a super-government We must so direct the education of the Gentile Society that its hands will drop in the weakness of discouragement in the face of any undertaking where initiative is needed."–Protocol 5.
 
  The Jews have never been worn out or exhausted. They have never been nonplussed. This is the true psychic characteristic of those who have a clue to the maze. It i8 the unknown that exhausts the mind, the constant wandering around among tendencies and influences whose source is not known and whose purpose is not understood. Walking in the dark is wearing work. The Gentiles have been doing it for centuries. The others, having a pretty accurate idea what it was all about, have not succumbed. Even persecution is endurable if it is understandable, and the Jews of the world have always known just where it fitted in the scheme of things. Gentiles have suffered more from Jewish persecutions than have the Jews for after the persecutions were over, the Gentile was as much in the dark as ever; whereas Judaism simply took up again its century-long march toward a goal in which it implicitly believes, and which, some say who have a deep knowledge of Jewish roots in the world and who, too, may be touched with exhaustion, they will achieve. However this may be the revolution which would be necessary to unfasten the International Jewish system from its grip on the world, would probably have to be just as radical as any attempts the Jews have made to attain that grip. There are those who express serious doubts that the Gentiles are competent to do it at all. Maybe not. Let them at least know who their conquerors are.

  "To each act of opposition we must be in a position to respond by bringing on war through the neighbors of any country that dares to oppose us, and if these neighbors should plan to stand collectively against us, we must let loose a world war." –The Seventh Protocol.


Page 95

Chapter 7

HOW THE JEWS USE POWER

  Two organizations, both of which are as notable for their concealment as for their power, are the New York Kehillah and the American Jewish Committee. The Kehillah is the most potent factor in the political life of New York; it is the organization which today wields so large an influence on the rest of the world, which consciously issues a program which on one side is pro-Jewish and on the other anti-Gentile. It is the central group, the inner government, whose ruling is law and whose act is the official expression of Jewish purpose. It offers a real and complete instance of a government within a government in the midst of America's largest and politically most powerful city, and it also constitutes the machine through which pro-Jewish and anti-Gentile propaganda is operated and Jewish pressure brought to bear against certain American ideas. That is to say, the Jewish government of New York constitutes the essential part of the Jewish Government of the United States.

  The word "Kehillah' has the same meaning as "Kahal," which signifies "community," "assembly" or government. It represents the Jewish form of Government in dispersion. In the Babylonian captivity, in Eastern Europe today, the Kahal is the power and protectorate to which the faithful Jew looks for government and justice. The New York Kehillah is the largest and most powerful union of Jews in the world, the center of Jewish world power has been transferred to that city. what is the meaning of the heavy migration of Jews all over the world toward New York in recent decades. It is to them what Rome is to the Catholic and what Mecca is to the Moslem.

  The Kehillah is a perfect answer to the deceptive statement that the Jews are so divided among themselves as to render a concert of action impossible. That is one of the statements made for Gentile consumption. All experience shows, even to the most casual observer of Jewish activities, that the capitalist and the bolshevik, the rabbi and the union leader are all united under the flag of Judah. Touch the conservative capitalist who is a Jew, and the red communist who is also a Jew will spring to his defense. It may be that sometimes they love each other less, but altogether they hate the non-Jew more, and that is their common bond. The Kehillah is an alliance, more offensive than defensive, against the "Gentiles."

  It is a strange and impressive spectacle which the Kehillah presents, of a people of one racial origin, with a vivid belief in itself and its future, disregarding internal differences, to combine privately in a powerful organization for the racial, material and religious advancement of its own race, to the exclusion of all others.

  The American Jewish Committee came into being in 1906. There had been a government investigation into the "White Slave Traffic," the result of which was a direct set of public opinion into channels uncomplimentary to the Jews, and a defensive movement was begun. The Kehillah organized protests against the statement by General Bingham, then police commissioner of the City of New York, that 50 per cent of the crime in the metropolis was committed by Jews. Very soon afterward, General Bingham disappeared from public life, and a national magazine of power and influence which had embarked on a series of articles setting forth the government's finding in the White Slave investigation was forced to discontinue after printing the first article.

  The Kehillah has mapped out New York just as the American Jewish Committee has mapped the United States, and practically every Jew belongs to one or more lodges, secret societies, unions, orders, committees and federations. The list is a prodigious one. The purposes interlace and the methods dovetail in such a manner as to bring every phase of American life not only under the watchful eye, but under the swift and powerful action of experienced compulsion upon public affairs.

  At the meeting which organized the Kehillah a number of sentiments were expressed which are worthy of consideration today, Judah L. Magnes, then rabbi of Temple Emanu-el, chairman of the meeting, set forth the plan:

  "A central organization like that of the Jewish community of New York City is necessary to create a Jewish public opinion," he said.

  Rabbi Asher was loudly applauded when he said:

"American interests are one, Jewish interests are another thing."

  The delegates at the first open meeting in 1906 represented 222 Jewish societies-religious, political, industrial and communal. Just over a year later the number of Jewish organizations under the jurisdiction of the Kehillah aggregated 688, and in 1921 well over 1,000. When the aggressive program of the Kehillah to make New York a Jewish city, and through New York to make the United States a Jewish country, was announced some of the more conservative Jews of New York were timorous. They did not expect that the American people would stand for it. They thought the American people would immediately understand what was afoot and oppose it. There were others who doubted whether the same Kehillah authority could here be wielded over the Jews as was wielded in the old country ghettoes. An official of the Kehillah wrote:

  "There were those who doubted the ultimate success of this new venture in Jewish organization. They based their lack of belief on the fact that no governmental authority could possibly be secured; in other words, that the Kehillah of New York could not hope to wield the same power, based on governmental coercion, as the Kehillahs of the Old World."

  There is much in this paragraph to indicate the status of the Kehillah in Jewish life. Add to this fact that all the Jews who entered America lived under the Kehillahs of the old world, whose power was based on coercion, and the situation is simple. Regimentation, the destruction of individual liberty which has risen to curse the world, is the basic principle of Jewish government of the Jews, by the Jews.

  What else can happen when world government of the Gentiles by the Jews for the bankers becomes established?

  However, the misgivings of some Jews were not justified. The Americans made no protest. The Kehillah went ahead with its campaign and America submitted. New York became Jewish. American life, American thought, and American politics, became Jewish-dominated in the decades that followed. But with it all, the Jews exhibit a sense of the insecurity of this usurpation of power. It does not belong to those who have seized it; it does not belong either by right of numbers, or by right of superior ability, or yet by right of a better use made of that power. They have taken power in America by audacity; they have taken it in such a way as to make resentment of it seem like an anti-racial movement-and that is why they have held it as long as they have. That is the only way to explain the meekness of the Americans in this matter, and it also accounts for the sense of insecurity which even the Jews feel in the position they hold. The American is the slowest person in the world to act on any line that savors of racial or religious prejudice. This makes for a seeming aloofness from matters like the Jewish Question. This also leads uninformed public men to sign protests against. ' anti-Semitism" which are really designed to be protests against the publication of Jewish facts. The foundation, organization and rapid success of the Kehillah in New York is an object lesson set in the sight of the world, as to what the Jew can do and will do when he exalts himself to the seat of rule.

  As to the Kehillah being officially representative, it may be added that the Kehillah has in it representatives of the Central Conference of American Rabbis, Eastern Council of Reform Rabbis, Independent Order of B'nai B'rith, Independent Order of B'rith Shalom, Independent Order of Free Sons of Israel, Independent Order of B'rith Abraham, Federation of American Zionists - orthodox Jews, reform Jews, "apostate Jews," rich Jews, poor Jews, law-abiding Jews and red revolutionary Jews. At the 1918 Convention there were present: Jacob H. Schiff, banker; Louis Marshall, lawyer, president of the American Jewish Committee; Adolf S. Ochs, proprietor of the "New York Times"; Otto A. Rosalsky, judge of the General Sessions Court; Otto H. Kahn, of the banking house of Kuhn, Loeb and Company-AND-Benjamin Schlesinger, who had lately returned from Moscow where he had a conference with Lenin; Joseph Schlossberg, general secretary of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America; Marc Pine, also a recent consultant with the Bolshevik rulers of Russia; David Pinski; Joseph Barondess, labor leader. The high and the low were there; the first world war was closing, the Russian revolution had been won. Judge Mack, who headed the War Risk Insurance Bureau of the United States Government, and the little leader of the reddest group in the East End-they all met in the Kehillah, as Jews. Adolph Ochs of the great "New York Times" together with the most feverish scribbler on a Yiddish weekly that calls for blood and violence, all of them of all classes, bound together in a solidarity which has been achieved by no other people so perfectly as by Judah. Banded together for the purpose of "protecting Jewish rights."


Page 100

THE JEWISH DEMAND FOR "RIGHTS" IN AMERICA

  What rights have Americans that Jews in America do not possess? Against whom are the Jews organized and against what? What basis is there for the cry of "persecution"? None whatever, except the Jews' own consciousness that the course they are pursuing is due for a check. The Jews always know that. They are not in the stream of the world, and every little while the world finds out what Judah always knows. The program of the Kehillah was ostensibly to "assert Jewish rights." No Jewish rights have ever been interfered with in America. The expression was a euphemism for a campaign to interfere with non-Jewish rights.

  The New York Kehillah is the pattern and parent Jewish community in the United States, the visible entourage of the Jewish government, the dynamo which motivates those "protests" and "mass meetings" which are frequently heralded throughout the country, and the arsenal of that kind of dark power which the Jewish leaders know so well how to use. It is the "whispering gallery," where the famous whispering drives are originated and set in motion and made to break in lying publicity over the country. The liaison between this center of Jewish power and the affairs of the people of the United States is made by the American Jewish Committee. The Committee and the Kehillah are practically identical as far as the national Jewish program is concerned. Through their foreign associations they are also identical as far as the world program is concerned.

  The United States is divided into 12 parts by the American Jewish Committee and every State belongs to a district headed by the most powerful and representative Jews. The Committee represents the focusing point of the religious, racial, financial and political will of Jewry. It is also the executive committee of the New York Kehillah. New York Jewry is the dynamo of the national Jewish machinery. Its national instrument is the American Jewish Committee. Among its direct leaders and supporters today are the owners of powerful newspapers, officials in Federal, State and City administration, influential office holders on public boards and corporations, members of the judiciary and police departments, financiers and heads of banking houses, mercantile and manufacturing establishments, labor leaders and political party organizers of all colors.

  There are certain announced purposes of these associations, and there are certain purposes which are not announced. The announced purposes may be read in printed pages; the purposes not announced may be read in the records of attempted acts and achieved results. To keep the record straight let us look first at the announced purposes of the American Jewish Committee, then of the Kehillah; next at the line which binds the two together; and then at the real purposes as they are to be construed from a long list of attempts and achievements. The American Jewish Committee, officially organized in 1906, announced itself as incorporated for the following purposes:

  1.To prevent the infraction of the civil and religious rights of the Jews in any part of the world.

  2. To render all lawful assistance and to take appropriate remedial action in the event of threatened or actual invasion or restriction of such rights, or of unfavorable discrimination with respect thereto.

  3.To secure for Jews equality of economic, social and educational opportunities.

  4. To alleviate the consequences of persecution wherever they may occur, and to afford relief from calamities affecting the Jews.

  It is an exclusively Jewish program. The Charter of the Kehillah empowered it, among other things, to establish an educational bureau, to adjust differences between Jewish residents or organizations by arbitration or by means cf boards of mediation or conciliation; while the Constitution announces the purpose to be:

  "To further the cause of Judaism in New York City and to represent the Jews in this city with respect to all local matters of Jewish interest."

  Where the American Jewish Committee and the Kehillah join forces is shown as follows:

  "Furthermore, inasmuch as the American Jewish Committee was a national organization, the Jewish Community (Kehillah), of New York City, if combined with it, would have a voice in shaping the policy of Jewry throughout the land. It is expressly understood that the American Jewish Committee shall have exclusive jurisdiction over all questions of a national or International character affecting the Jews generally."

  It will be seen, therefore, that the Kehillah and the American Jewish Committee are one. The capital of the United States, in Jewish affairs, is New York. Perhaps that may throw a sidelight on the efforts which are constantly made to exalt New York as the spring and source of all the thoughts of the day. (Editor's Note: and now the seat of the United Nations system of world government!) New York, the Jewish capital of the United States} has been made the financial center, the art center, the political center of the country. But its art is oriental sensuousness, its politics those of a Judaized Tammany. It is the home of anti-American propaganda, of pro-Jewish hysteria, a mad confusion of mind that now passes all over the world as the true picture of America.

  The doctrine with which so large a mass as the citizens of America have been inoculated is making havoc with the whole American program today. It is "broadening" America out of all semblance to its distinctive self and blurring out of recognition those determining ideals and ideas on which American institutions were based.


Page 103

"JEWISH RIGHTS" CLASH WITH AMERICAN RIGHTS

  This study of the Jewish Question in the United States is not based upon religious differences. The religious element does not enter except when it is injected by the Jews themselves; they persistently inject it in three ways: First, in their allegation that any study of the Jews is "religious persecution"; second, by their own records of what their activities in the United States consist of; third, by the impression which is very misleading if not corrected, that the Jews are the Old Testament people. The Jews are not the Old Testament people and the Old Testament can be found among them only with difficulty. They are a Talmudical people who have preferred the volumes of rabbinical speculation to the words of the ancient prophets.

  In this series of articles we have set aside every nonJewish statement on this religious question, and have accepted only that which proceeds from recognized Jewish sources. It has been most illuminating, in studying the proceedings of the New York Kehillah and the American Jewish Committee, and their affiliated organizations, as represented by their activities throughout the country, to find how large a part of these activities have a religious bearing, as being directly and combatively anti-Christian.

  That is to say, when the Jews set forth in the public charters and constitutions of their organizations that their only purpose is to "protect Jewish rights," and when the public asks what are these "Jewish rights" which need protection in this free country, the answer can be found only in the actions which the Jews take to secure that "protection."

  Thus interpreted, "Jewish rights" seem to be summed up in the "right" to banish everything from their sight and hearing that suggests Christianity or its Founder. It is just there, from the Jewish side, that religious intolerance makes its appearance.


Page 104

ATTACKS ON CHRISTIANITY

  Previous to the formation of the Kehillah and the Jewish Committee, this sort of attack on the rights of Americans was sporadic, but since 1906 it has increased in number and insistence. Under cover of the ideal of Liberty we have given the Jews liberty to attack Liberty. What America has been tolerating is intolerance itself. Let us look rapidly down the years and see one phase of that attack. It is the attack upon Christianity. Here are a few items from the record. They are recorded over a period of years following the rise of Jewish power in America:

  1899-1900. The Jews attempt to have the word "Christian" removed from the Bill of Rights of the State of Virginia.

  1906-1907. The Jews of Oklahoma petition the Constitutional Convention protesting that the acknowledgment of Christ in the new State constitution then being formulated would be repugnant to the Constitution of the United States.

  The Jews force "The Merchant of Venice" to be dropped from public schools in Texas, Ohio.

  1907-1908. Widespread demand by the Jews for the complete secularization of the public institutions of this country, as a part of the demand of the Jews for their constitutional rights.

  Supreme Court Justice Brewer's statement that this is a Christian country widely controverted by Jewish rabbis and publications.

  Jews agitate in many cities against Bible reading. Christmas celebrations or carols in Philadelphia, Cincinnati, St. Paul and New York met with strong Jewish opposition.

  1908-1909. Protests made to Governor of Arkansas against "Christological expressions" employed by him in his Thanksgiving Day proclamation.

  Professor Gotthard Deutsch protests against "Christological prayers" at the high school graduating exercises at Cincinnati.

  Jewish community in Tamaqua, Pennsylvania defeats resolutions providing daily Bible reading in schools.

  Local Council of Jewish Women of Baltimore petitions school board to prohibit Christmas exercises.

  Boycotts were instituted in New York against merchants who opened on Saturday.

  Special efforts at this period to introduce the idea of the Jewish Sabbath into public business. Jews refused to sit as jurors in court, thus postponing cases.

  1909-1910. On demand of the Jews, the school board of Bridgeport, Pennsylvania, votes to discontinue the recitation of the Lord's Prayer in the school.

  In Newark, New Jersey, the rabbis ask the night schools to discontinue Friday evening sessions, because the Jewish Sabbath begins at sundown on Friday.

  The work of introducing the idea of Jewish national holidays into public life especially active.

  1910-1911. An attempt to have Hebrew officially recognized was frustrated by Supreme Court Judge Goff.

  Chicago Jews have election date changed because the official date fell on the last day of the Passover.

  Jews oppose Bible reading and singing of hymns in Detroit schools.

  Rabbis force Hartford, Connecticut, school board to drop "The Merchant of Venice" from reading list.

  New York Kehillah does two contradictory things; favors bill to permit Jews to do all kinds of business on Sunday, and pledges itself to co-operate in the strict enforcement of the Sunday laws.

  1911-1912. Jews in Passaic, New Jersey, petition school board to eliminate Bible reading and all Christian songs from the schools.

  At request of a rabbi, three principals of Roxbury, Mass., public schools agree to banish Christmas tree and omit all references to the season from their schools.

  A Jewish delegate to the Ohio Constitutional Convention suggests that the Constitution be made to forbid Christian religious references in schools.

  The Council of the University Settlement, at the request of the New York Kehillah, adopts this resolution: "That in the holiday celebrations held annually by the Kindergarten Association at the University Settlement every feature of any sectarian character, including Christmas trees, Christmas programs and Christmas songs, shall be eliminated."

  1912-1913. Jews at Jackson, Tennessee, seek an injunction to prevent the reading of the Bible in City schools.

  Annual Convention Independent Order B'nai B'rith at Nashville, Tennessee, adopts resolution against reading of the Bible and singing Christian songs in public schools.

  Chicago Board of Education, scene of much Jewish agitation, approves recommendation of sub-committee to remove Christmas from the list of official public holidays in schools.

  1913-1914. The energies of the Jewish powers were concentrated on the task of preventing the United States from changing the immigration laws in a manner to protect the country from undesirable aliens.

  1914-1915. More Kehillah attempts to secure modification of the Sunday laws.

  1915-1916. Jewish opposition to various movements towards making the schools free to use the Bible.

  1916-1917. Jews busy carrying out an immense campaign against the "literacy clause" of the Immigration Sill.

  On demand of the Jews the New Haven Connecticut, Board of Education prevents the reading of "The Merchant of Venice," and extends the prohibition to "Lamb's Tales from Shakespeare."

  1918-1919. Provost Marshal Crowder, in charge of the Selective Draft U. S. Forces, had issued an order to all medical examiners, under direction of the Surgeon General, stating "The foreign-born, especially Jews, are more apt to malinger [feigning illness] than the native-born." Louis Marshall, head of the American Jewish Committee, telegraphed demanding that the "further use of this form shall be at once discontinued." President Wilson ordered the excision of the paragraph.

  The United States Shipping Board sent an advertisement to the "New York Times," calling for a file clerk and stating that a "Christian" was preferred-by which is meant always a nonJew-the paper rejected it. Louis Marshall again went into action and protested to Bainbridge Colby, Woodrow Wilson's Secretary of State, demanding "Not because of any desire for inflicting punishment, but for the sake of example and the establishment of a necessary precedent this offense should be followed by a dismissal from the public office of the offender, and the public should be informed the reason." Attention is called to the tone which the American Jewish Committee adopts when addressing high American officials in the name of Jewry. It is not to be duplicated in the addresses of any other representative of any other race or faith.

  The Plattsburg Manual, published for officers in the United States officers' training camps, contained the statement that "the ideal officer is a Christian gentleman." The A J.C. at once protested against "Christological manifestations," and the Manual was changed to read "the ideal officer is a courteous gentleman."

  The Anti-Defamation Committee claimed that 160 American cities had excluded "The Merchant of Venice" from the public schools.

  1919-1920. The Kehillah was so successful in its campaign that it was possible for a Jewish advertiser in New York to say that he wanted only Jewish help, but it was not possible for a non-Jewish advertiser to state his nonJewish preference.

  And so it goes on, year after year, right up to the present day. The incidents quoted are typical not occasional. They represent what is transpiring all the time in the United States as the Jews pursue their "rights." There is no interference with Jewish ways and manners. The Jew may use his own calendar, keep his own days, observe his own form of worship, live in his own ghetto, exist on a dietary principle all his own, slaughter his cattle in a manner which no one who knows about it can approve-he can do all these things without molestation, without the slightest question of his right in them. But, the non-Jew is the "persecuted one." He must do everything the way the Jew wants it done; if not he is infringing on Jewish "rights."


Page 110

THE CRY OF "ANTI-SEMITISM"

  What people are now coming to see is that it is American rights that have been interfered with, and the interference has been made with the assistance of their own "broad-minded" tolerance. The Jews' interference with the religion of others, and the Jews' determination to wipe out of public life every sign of the predominant Christian character of the United States, is the only active form of religious intolerance in the country today. Not content with the fullest liberty to follow their own faith in peace and quietness, in a country where none dare make them afraid, the Jews declare-we read it in their activities-that every sight and sound of anything Christian is an invasion of their peace and quietness, and so they stamp it out wherever they can reach it through political means. To what lengths this spirit may run is shown in the prophecies of the Talmud, and in the "reforms" undertaken by the Communists of Russia and Eastern Europe.

  That is not all; not content with their own liberty, not content with the "secularization," which means the deChristianization of all public institutions, the third step observable in Jewish activities is the actual exaltation of Judaism as a recognized and specially privileged system. The program is the now familiar one wherever the Jewish program is found: first, establishment; second, the destruction of all that is non-Jewish or anti-Jewish; third, exaltation of Judaism in all its phases.

  Put the Lord's Prayer and certain Shakespeare plays out of the public schools, but put Jewish courts in the public buildings-that is the way it works. Secularization is preparatory to Judaization. The New York Kehillah is an illustration of how it is done, and the American Jewish Committee is an illustration of the type of men who do it.

  The work of the Kehillah is claimed to be "educational" by its defenders, on the few occasions when it is attacked. It is certainly that. The best educated members are those who come from the Eastern European ghettos where the Kehillah idea was fully understood and practiced and where Jewish - community - government exercised unrestricted sway. Whatever other phase of education the Kehillah may be interested in, it certainly stresses most the education to separateness. Dr. S. Benderley, director of the Bureau of Education, gave away the objects of the Kehillah "education" thus:

  "The problem before us was to form a body of young Jews who should be on the one hand true Americans, a part of this Republic, with an intense interest in building up American ideals; and yet, on the other hand, be also Jews in love with the best of their own ideals, and not anxious merely to merge with the rest and disappear among them. That problem confronts Orthodox and Reform Jews alike. It is not merely a religious but a civic problem."

  That is separatism and exclusiveness as an educational program, and its result cannot help being training in ideas of racial superiority and exclusivism.

  It is the Jews' unceasing consciousness of the "Goy" that constitutes the disease of Judaism, this centuries-long tradition of separateness. There is no such thing as "antiSemitism." There i8, however, much anti-Goyism. In ad the countries of the world there is no anti-Arab sentiment of which anyone knows. None of the Semite people have been distinguished by the special dislike of any other people. There is no reason why anyone should dislike the Semites.

  It is very strange, however, that the Semite people should be a unit in disliking the Jews. Palestine, which still only has a handful of Jews, is peopled by Semites who so thoroughly dislike the Jews that serious complications are threatening the Zionist advances being made there. This surely is not anti-Semitism. Semites are not against Semites. They are at odds with Jews.

  When Aryan and Semite are kept conscious through many centuries that the Jew is another and superior race, and when it is known that neither Ayran nor Semite are touchy on the race question, what is the answer? Only this, that the whole substance of such a situation must be supplied by the Jews.

  There is no such thing as anti-Semitism. There is only a very little and a very mild anti-Jewism.

  But a study of Jewish publications, books, pamphlets, declarations, constitutions and charters, as well as a study of organized Jewish action in this and other countries, indicates that there is a tremendous amount of anti-Goyism, or antiGentilism.

EDITOR'S NOTE: The original was written in 1921 when the Jewish population of Palestine was still insignificant. In 1918 it was only about 4 per cent


  "The administrators chosen by us from the masses for their servility will not be persons trained for government, and consequently they will easily become pawns in our game, played by our learned and talented counselors, specialists educated from early childhood to administer world affairs. As we know, our specialists have been acquiring the necessary knowledge for governing." –The Second Protocol.

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